Will U.S.-Israel honor cease-fire?
Lebanese unity behind victory
By
Sara Flounders
Published Aug 16, 2006 10:24 PM
In every conflict, morale is a material
factor. Often it is the decisive factor.
Now that a cease-fire has gone
into effect—on Aug. 14—after Israel’s brutal 30-day bombing
and invasion of Lebanon, it is clear that Lebanon has emerged more united than
at any time in its history. Hezbollah has a new standing and wide popularity all
over the country.
The entire war, in which Israel had full U.S. support,
was based on arrogant assumptions of technological superiority and a political
miscalculation that the bombing of whole towns, reservoirs, fuel storage depots,
roads, ports, bridges and hospitals would divide the Lebanese people and force
Hezbollah to disarm.
Instead, the ruthless attack united the population
as nothing else has in Lebanon’s long history. It is Israel that has
emerged divided, consumed by infighting and purges, with its reputation as an
invincible military machine shattered before the whole world.
The U.S. and
Israel wanted to teach the Lebanese people a lesson through “shock and
awe.” The people organized, mobilized and learned through their own
experience a very different lesson.
The struggle is far from
over.
Cease-fire resolution
The most important point to know
regarding the UN Security Council cease-fire resolution on Lebanon is that
Israel has never abided by any UN resolutions or been restrained by UN forces
stationed for 58 years along its borders.
Just hours before the cease-fire
was to go into effect, Israel used more than 50 helicopters to ferry hundreds of
commandos into Lebanon in the largest Israeli military operation since the
October 1973 war. Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, Israel’s military chief of staff,
had already said on Aug. 12 that he had tripled the number of his troops in
Lebanon to 30,000. (New York Times, Aug. 13) Halutz said he expected the
fighting to continue despite the cease-fire resolution.
The heaviest
attack on Beirut since the war began came on the last day. Israeli bombers
struck repeatedly at the working class Haret Hreik neighborhood in south Beirut.
A hospital in Tyre was bombed repeatedly and fire brigades were unable to reach
it. They struck in the Bekaa Valley and hit a power plant near Sidon.
A
convoy of 500 vehicles of fleeing Christian Lebanese civilians, led by soldiers
of the Lebanese army who had announced their plans to the Israeli forces, were
targeted north of Merj’ Uyun.
After signing the UN cease-fire
resolution, Maj. Gen. Benny Gantz, head of the ground forces branch of the
Israeli army, told reporters that the-cease fire was not a cessation of Israeli
army activity in the Lebanon arena. According to an Aug. 13 Reuters news report,
Israeli officials said operations that were “defensive” in nature
were permissible. Of course, Israel asserts that all its military actions are
defensive.
U.S. and other Western diplomats asserted that they would not
object to “mopping up” operations to “clear out”
Hezbollah fighters.
Setbacks breed divisions in
Israel
Israeli political, military and intelligence forces are in the
midst of a deadly struggle to apportion blame for their fiasco in Lebanon.
Although this war was more highly planned than any other offensive in
Israel’s history, the military was completely unprepared and untrained for
what it encountered.
Israeli miscalculation, like the U.S. underestimation
of the Iraqi resistance, was based on imperial arrogance. The Israeli military
had functioned as a colonial police force for years against an unarmed
Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza.
The Israeli onslaught
was intended to divide Lebanon and reignite civil war. The failure of
U.S./Israeli plans is pulling Israel apart politically. The media there is full
of attacks on military leaders and politicians, demands for wholesale
resignations, inquiries, investigations and charges. A vicious debate on
failures in training, preparations, analysis and intelligence has emerged. The
attacks and counter attacks are the best indication that the war has not gone
well.
The military had promised that the entire war could be accomplished
in a week or two, largely with air power.
In Israel’s largest
newspaper, Yediot Aharonot, columnist Nahun Barnea wrote: “We did not win.
… Israel comes to the cease-fire announcement bruised, conflicted and
disturbed.”
Channel 2 of Israeli television reported on Aug. 11 that
several of the most senior military officials wrote a letter to chief of staff
Halutz complaining that “the war plans were in chaos.”
An
article by Uri Avnery, a journalist and writer with the liberal Zionist peace
group Gush Shalom, has been circulating widely on the group’s Internet
site. Entitled “What the hell has happened to the army?” it says
Israeli officers were completely unaware of the defense system built by
Hezbollah—the complex infrastructure of hidden bunkers with stockpiles of
food, equipment and weapons.
Avnery makes the point, “If a
lightweight boxer is fighting a heavyweight champion and is still standing in
the 12th round, the victory is his—whatever the count of points
says.”
In summing up the reason for Israel’s failure, Avnery
makes the point that “the common denominator of all the failures is the
disdain for Arabs, a contempt that has dire consequences. It has caused a total
misunderstanding; a kind of blindness of Hezbollah’s motives, attitudes,
standing in Lebanese society, etc. ... Even a strong army cannot defeat a
guerrilla organization, because the guerrilla is a political
phenomenon.”
The strongest attacks within Israel are coming from
right-wing politicians like Benjamin Netanyahu of the Likud Party and the
far-right forces of Avigdor Lieber man. They are pushing for a wider war and no
removal of the thousands of illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank.
All the Zionist forces—the hardcore right-wing, the centrists and
the liberals—fear that the real damage from the war is that it has
endangered their strategic relationship with U.S. imperialism as its attack dog
in the region. This is the source of millions of dollars in U.S. military,
economic and technical aid, investments and credits that flood into Israel on a
daily basis and sustain an artificial economy.
Almost every article and
attack in the Israeli media points out that the Israeli military was given time,
support, equipment and diplomatic coverage to destroy Hezbollah and failed in
its assignment. Itamar Rabinovich, a former ambassador to Washington, said,
“Part of the reckoning will be our reputation as a strategic partner, when
we tell the Americans, ‘Give us the tools and we’ll do the
job.’”
Llamas in Lebanon
The Israeli media has
been full of stories of bad planning, shortages and soldiers’ complaints
of lack of food, water and equipment. Exhausted soldiers had to be rotated out
every three days because the scale of Hezbollah attacks made it impossible to
erect barracks, showers, field kitchens or command centers.
According to
the Aug. 12 Washington Post, the Israeli military “was having so much
trouble moving supplies over the rough terrain that it experimented with using
llamas as pack animals. The experiment failed when an entire train of llamas sat
down on the job, forcing the military to abort an expedition.”
The
60-ton Merkava tank is considered the world’s most advanced and the most
able to provide protection for ground troops. It is the pride of the Israeli
army. With deadly efficiency, Hezbollah fighters destroyed more than 20 tanks
with anti-tank weapons. They also downed an Israeli air force helicopter with a
new missile called the Wa’ad—Arabic for “promise.” And
early on they destroyed one of Israel’s most important high-tech ships.
Hezbol lah claims to have hit three Israeli ships.
One of the few
journalists permitted to accompany Israeli forces into Lebanon was Nahum Barnea,
a leading Israeli political commentator. He reported in embarrassing detail the
misfortunes of the unit he accompanied and made an analogy that will be
recognized worldwide. “The battle between the IDF and Hezbollah is
reminiscent of the famous Tom and Jerry cartoons. … Tom is a strong
ambitious cat. Jerry is a weak but clever mouse. Jerry teases Tom. Tom fights
back. In every conflict between them, Jerry wins.”
Barnea’s
advice to Prime Minister Olmert is: “There is no sense in investing in a
lost cause. Adding more ground forces to those already stuck in Lebanon will not
bring about the hoped-for turnabout in the Lebanese gamble. With American
support, Israel still has a chance of getting out of this war with decent
accomplishments. Take what they are offering you, Ehud Olmert. Take it and
run.”
Rebuilding Lebanon
One day after the cease-fire
began, Hezbollah’s extensive social services system shifted from a war
footing to the huge task of rebuilding. The leader of Hezbol lah, Sheik Hassan
Nasrallah, promised that “the brothers, who are your brothers,” will
take on the reconstruction.
The instructions to the whole population are
clear. Each family should fill out a claim form listing address, size of house,
scale of damage and furniture lost. Immediate payments will be distributed.
Nasrallah promised to pay a year’s rent for those with destroyed homes,
saying Aug. 14 that “we can’t wait for the
government.”
Hezbollah’s immediate promise to aid in the
rebuilding—along with widespread confidence that the resistance won a
victory over Israel—is shaping a determined and united mood across
Lebanon.
For more than two decades, Hezbollah’s social networks
provided needed services, especially to Lebanon’s poor Shia population,
that the weak, divided government could not fulfill. Before the Israeli attack,
Hezbollah already ran a whole series of hospitals, clinics, schools and social
centers.
When the Israeli bombing began, Hezbollah social services
responded when the government could not. They provided the ambulances and the
scores of searchers who pulled people from the rubble. They helped organize the
placing of tens of thousands of refugees in schools, public parks and private
homes. (Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 16)
In Beirut alone, Hezbollah
organized 10 mobile medical teams that cared for 14 schools each, in two-day
rotations. This aid helped 48,000 people; another 70,000 were treated in houses
by other professionals.
In a Hezbollah kitchen near downtown Beirut,
volunteers worked shifts over vats of rice and stew to provide 8,000 hot meals a
day—part of a 50,000 daily total they distributed across Beirut.
It
is this mobilization of the whole population that made it possible for those
fighting at the front to have the will and the means to successfully resist an
all-out attack that both Israel and the U.S. had thought would be irresistible.
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