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CIA scheme set back in Somalia

Published Jun 16, 2006 11:05 PM

The CIA had another setback in Somalia June 6. The coalition of clan leaders, whom Washington and the media generally call “warlords,” was driven out of most of Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital and principal city. Washington has financed, supplied and politically supported these groups through the CIA. The strongest force in Mogadishu now is the Islamic Courts Union (ICU).

The first U.S. setback in this African nation was in 1993 when two U.S. helicopters hunting down “warlords” were shot down. Armed Somali fighters killed 18 Marines who survived the crashes in the helicopters. As a result of this incident—which was used as the basis of a book and film called “Black Hawk Down”—the Clinton administration hurriedly withdrew the U.S. occupation troops from their incursion in Africa from Somalia.

Washington’s justification for its 1992-1993 intervention was that no centralized state had asserted itself in Somalia after the Somali leader Siad Barre had been driven from power in 1991. The Pentagon’s aborted intervention was supposed to be part of a “peacekeeping mission.” U.S. meddling in Somalia had begun much earlier, however. It first interfered in Somalia in the late 1970s when Washington urged Barre to invade neighboring Ethiopia, which at that time was then led by a pro-socialist government allied with the Soviet Union.

Beginning in February 2006, the CIA started supplying the clan leaders who were opposing the ICU with $100,000 to $150,000 a month, which is a significant amount of money in a country with an unemployment rate too high to measure and no government on the ground able to make the effort to measure it. Political analysts, academics specializing in the Horn of Africa and Somali politicians have all verified the scope of the CIA financing.

With regards to Somalia, the Bush administration is employing its usual excuse to justify intervention into the affairs of poor, underdeveloped countries: alleged concern that the ICU will affiliate with al-Qaeda like Afghanistan did. By raising the issue of terrorism, Washington has avoided mentioning the strategic importance of Somalia: the Somali port town of Berbera, situated on the Mideast oil route to Europe, hosts a major naval base.

Le Monde’s special correspondent in Mogadishu reported that already this month U.S. helicopters have overflown Mogadishu and the U.S. fleet is visible cruising off shore. These pressure tactics, along with the financial backing the U.S. is supplying the “warlords,” are backfiring on the U.S. and increasing public support in Somalia for the ICU.

About 350 people in Mogadishu, mainly civilians, died in the fighting between the “warlords” and the ICU and many more were seriously wounded.

While most of the “warlords” abandoned Mogadishu and regrouped in Jawhar, a small city about 60 miles to the north, two groups are trying to hang on to their positions in the capital and have called political rallies of their clan members to bolster their position. The ICU has also called rallies of its supporters.

The ICU has also sent a letter to the Bush administration asking for discussions. Bush’s response was to once again terror-bait the ICU. The U.S. is calling an international conference for the week of June 12 to discuss the situation in Somalia.

There are now over 130,000 U.S. troops in Iraq, with more set to deploy there, and about 20,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan. There is neither public support nor personnel easily available for a major invasion of land troops in Somalia.

But Washington may keep on financing the “warlords.” And the U.S. may also try maneuvering with a group recognized by the United Nations as the Somali government, which, however, controls only Baidoa, a small town 150 miles from Mogadishu.

The political and military situation in Somalia is fluid. But one thing is clear—the Somali people need peace and stability, and want an end to U.S. interference into their internal affairs, so they can address their pressing social and economic problems.

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