LEBANON
Lebanese resistance bares limits of U.S.-Israeli power
By
Sara Flounders
Published Jul 25, 2006 11:35 PM
Reports on July 22 that the Pentagon is
rushing the delivery of precision-guided bombs to Israel for use in its criminal
offensive in Lebanon confirm the real relationship in this U.S./Israeli war. The
utter dependency of the Zionist state on the military equipment, massive
funding, political and diplomatic support of the United States has never been
clearer.
Hezbollah banner in front of bombed-out building in Beirut, Lebanon, reads: ‘USA, head of the terrorists.’
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But news of the shipment also exposes the limits of U.S. and
Israeli power.
With these same weapons, U.S. troops have been unable to
prevail in Iraq. How can the Israeli war criminals, even with an endless supply
of U.S. high-tech weapons, expect to prevail in Lebanon?
Israel is headed
into the same quagmire. Like the U.S. in Iraq, Israel is quickly finding that it
faces a highly motivated, ever more organized people’s resistance in
Lebanon.
U.S.-supplied bunker busters, cluster bombs, white phosphorus,
napalm and depleted uranium weapons are wreaking enormous damage on the whole
country and causing horrendous suffering for hundreds of thousands of
defenseless civilians. Helicopter gunships, jet aircraft and missiles that come
from the Pentagon have destroyed seaports, airports, roads, convoys of refugees
and essential civilian infrastructure.
However, U.S. and Israeli forces
are used to making all-out war against defenseless civilian populations. They
are shocked that Hezbollah has been able to secure or build large quantities of
land mines and anti-tank missiles, anti-aircraft guns, rocket-launching
facilities and night-vision equipment. They didn’t know until they opened
this brutal offensive that the resistance forces had developed innovative
technology, including aerial drones and submersibles.
Numerous news
articles are describing how both the U.S. and the Israelis underesti mated the
weapons and the level of organization of Hezbollah, which has deep-fortified
bunkers, networks of tunnels and well-trained fighters able to handle
sophisticated technology. Its fighters even managed to destroy an Israeli
warship and several tanks and helicopters, and send missiles into Haifa and
other cities deep inside Israel.
The corporate media are full of
speculation, threats and charges about where Hezbollah obtained its weapons.
They barely mention who has supplied Israel with generations of weapons, tanks,
helicopters, jet planes, ships and missiles. The most extreme sources are
charging that Iran may have contributed $100 million to Hezbollah, and are
treating it as a crime. But even if it is true, it bears no comparison to the
$288 million a week in aid that the U.S. supplied Israel in fiscal 2003, for a
total of $15 billion in aid that year. Similar levels have occurred every year
for more than 50 years. (Jewish Voice for Peace)
The Zionist command
didn’t anticipate the sophistication. It’s not that they don’t
have sufficient spy satellites, eavesdropping and reconnaissance equipment, and
bought agents. It’s once again the arrogance of colonial
occupiers.
The end of gunboat diplomacy
The biggest surprise
was the ability of Hezbollah to hit the INS Hanit, an Israeli Navy missile ship,
which was firing at Lebanese targets from off the coast.
The Hanit was
built by Northrop Grumman in Pascagoula, Miss., and was considered to be
Israel’s most advanced surface ship. The corporate media, while full of
endless speculation on who supplied the Hezbollah missile, never raised the
issue of who supplied the Israeli ship, at a cost of $260 million.
Yet it
matters little whether Hezbollah used a modified Silkworm missile obtained eight
to 10 years ago from China via Iran, or an Iranian C-802 rocket transported via
Syria, or an explosives-packed aerial drone such as they have used before.
Israel, the Pentagon and all the Western powers got the message—they are
no longer invincible.
The timing of the missile during a meeting of the
G-8 powers could not have sent a clearer message. Any power considering an
attack on Iran could do the calculation. The U.S. aircraft carriers,
battleships, the hundreds of oil tankers in the narrow Persian Gulf—all
are now vulnerable.
The days when the U.S., British or French navy could
sail into the harbor and blast at the shoreline until their demands were met had
been challenged.
Asymmetric warfare
U.S. power and equipment
are far greater than any developing country or resistance movement. But today,
because of global advances in simple technology that can no longer be kept in a
locked box, plus the availability of the Internet and instant communication,
imperialism’s total control is slipping.
U.S. troops in Iraq and
Afghanistan have met the same rude surprises. A simple cell phone or doorbell
can set off a roadside bomb and destroy an expensive tank.
The new
buzzword in military-speak for the unexpected ability of resistance
organizations to challenge an overwhelming military advantage is
“asymmetric advantage” or “asymmetric warfare.” This
means that even though the Pentagon has formidable military capabilities and is
adept at doing horrendous damage, it is not winning.
This has changed the
rules of politics in the Middle East. Wherever oppressed people are able to
organize themselves, they are able to fight back.
Despite overwhelming
military superiority, Israel was forced to withdraw from Lebanon in June 2000
and from Gaza in August 2005 because of the enormous skill of guerrilla
forces.
Gaza and Qassam rockets
In the early days of the
Palestinian uprising that began in September 2000—called the second
Intifada—Israeli patrols could still confidently drive around the West
Bank and Gaza in jeeps and light arm ored personnel carriers. They des troyed at
will small Palestinian Authority police stations and social service centers.
They fired on youths armed only with stones and homemade gas bombs in bottles.
But these young fighters expressed the will of the whole population to
resist.
Now Hamas, Islamic Jihad and popular committees are producing
increasingly sophisticated small weapons. Even their hand grenades are designed
at standards as advanced as U.S.-produced grenades. All these secret, locally
made products are stamped, “Made in Gaza by al-Qassam.”
Locally made anti-tank missiles and mines have broken the ability of
Israeli tanks to roll unimpeded into the streets of Gaza, crushing all in their
path. In past decades this was such regular Israeli policy that the wide swaths
of destruction in Gaza City and other Palestinian cities were called
Sharon’s Boulevards after the Israeli general who became prime minister,
Ariel Sharon. Now in Gaza hundreds of missiles, with simple guidance systems
known as al-Qassam I and II, are fired regularly across the border. There is
growing skill and accuracy in the manufacture of these small rockets.
The
same youths who used to throw stones at Israeli tanks today are also far more
organized. They have education and basic technology skills, along with enormous
determination and anger.
Hezbollah was born
under
occupation
Hezbollah (or the Party of God) emerged after 1982 as a
guerrilla resistance army with Islamic leadership, fighting against the Israeli
occupation of southern Lebanon. Originally it appealed primarily to
disenfranchised Shiite youth in Lebanon—the most oppressed group. In a
war-torn and divided country where corruption was rampant, Hezbollah broadened
its support and gained wide political legitimacy for its determined resistance
and its well-organized, non-corrupt social services. It helped rebuild the
crumbled infrastructure of roads, electricity and potable water.
All of
this earned Hezbollah the hatred of the old corrupt ruling families in Lebanon
and of U.S. corporate interests, which are tied to the old ruling class.
Hezbollah was added to the U.S. State Department’s list of international
terrorist groups in October 1997.
This hardly hurt Hezbollah’s
popular image. Now Hezbollah holds 12 parliamentary seats. Its civilian branch
runs schools, orphanages, hospitals and a television station. And its relentless
guerrilla attacks on the Israeli army of occupation, combined with growing
anti-war sentiment within Israel, forced a military retreat from Lebanon in June
2000.
In the six years since the Israeli withdrawal, Hezbollah has used
its time well to prepare for the next Israeli offensive. It built deep
underground bunkers, networks of tunnels and a series of camouflaged defense
positions. In the hilly terrain Hezbollah built shelters for weapons and
ammunition, food supplies and medical stations. Anti-tank mines and missiles
line the border region to block Israeli tanks from rolling in, as they have in
the past. Each Israeli thrust across the border in the past two weeks, even
after heavy bombardment, has resulted in Hezbollah ambushes from behind Israeli
lines.
Lebanon’s infrastructure has been so destroyed by the latest
Israeli onslaught that Hezbollah’s highly effective social service network
of schools, hospitals and clinics is bound to expand and take on added
significance.
Hezbollah General Secretary Hasan Nasrallah warned the
Israeli people on July 14: “Those times when Israel used to get away with
whatever destruction, killing children and freedom of movement on Arab lands,
have come to an end. I promise you those times have passed; therefore you must
bear the responsibility for what your government has done and has
undertaken.”
Militarism and the Israeli lobby
U.S.
backing and support for Israel is often blamed on the strength and influence of
the Israeli lobby, including the American Israel Public Affairs Committee
(AIPAC) in Washington, D.C. But the Israeli lobby is effective not because of
its great connections and resources, but because they serve U.S. corporate
interests in the entire region.
The largest and most profitable
corporations in the U.S. today, which hold decisive political power in the
imperialist state, are the oil corporations and the military contractors. They
have a huge financial stake in controlling the resources of the Middle East and
in the policy of endless war and instability. The Israeli Army plays a pivotal
role in U.S. corporate control of the region.
Northrop Grumman spends
seven times and Lockheed Martin four times as much as AIPAC on lobbying. General
Electric, Raytheon, Boeing and other military contractors also outspend AIPAC.
Their corporate profits are bound up in the more than $2 billion in weapons
given to Israel every year.
These corporations are as enthusiastic about
rushing the latest satellite- and laser-guided bunker buster bombs to Israel, to
be used aboard U.S.-supplied F-15 aircraft to blast Lebanon, as they are about
supplying the U.S. military occupation of Iraq.
Policy of civil
war
The ruthless Israeli bombardment and attacks on Lebanon and the
bombing of Gaza are based on the desperation of the Israeli military command.
They failed in their political plan to reignite a civil war in either place.
Instead they have succeeded in uniting the entire population against
them.
The Western coalition that U.S. imperialism had so carefully arrayed
against Iran at the G-8 meeting and in the UN is now divided.
Since the
democratic election of Hamas in January 2006, both Israel and the U.S. have used
the most extreme measures of sanctions, starvation and threats, trying to push
the Palestinian Authority and Hamas into armed conflict. The Bush administration
cut off all aid and credits. Israel withheld tax revenue and cut off the pay of
social service workers, teachers and police. They strangled the export of
agricultural produce and closed border crossings for Palestinian workers, all in
an effort to inflame a struggle over scarce resources.
They demanded that
the moderate president of the Palestinian Authority, Mah moud Abbas, break with
the democratically elected Hamas leadership. Israel staged targeted
assassinations, random bombings and round-ups. But the policy failed to
decisively divide the Palestinian groups.
When Palestinian resistance
units managed to dig tunnels, kidnap an Israeli soldier, and destroy an Israeli
tank to bargain for the almost 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli
jails, Israel used this as an excuse to bomb Gaza.
In Lebanon the hopes of
both the U.S. and Israel were pinned on the Cedar Revolution. In the spring of
2005 demonstrations broke out, mainly in Beirut, demanding the withdrawal of
Syrian troops from Lebanon and blaming Syria for the assassination of former
Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri on Feb. 14 of that year.
The Lebanese
government was disbanded and a government much friendlier to U.S. corporate
interests was established. Syrian troops were withdrawn. But the hope that this
would destabilize Syria and force the disarming of Hezbollah forces did not
succeed.
For Israel to now go back into Lebanon is like the U.S. trying to
go back into Vietnam. They already know it won’t work, but are driven to
try to accomplish by military measures what political pressure has failed to
accomplish.
New occupation proposals
While continuing to give
the Israeli for ces time and additional weapons to blast Lebanon, U.S. Secretary
of State Condo leezza Rice has begun a slow trip through the region trying to
broker a deal favorable to U.S. and Israeli interests. U.S. “peace”
proposals are to disarm the patriotic resistance forces and occupy Lebanon with
foreign troops, including the possibility of a NATO, UN or other multinational
occupation force to protect Israel’s northern border. Israel would of
course be rearmed and resupplied.
Any political solution that does not
have the full agreement and participation of the Lebanese people, including the
Hezbollah resistance, would be in danger of repeating 1983 in Beirut.
In
that year U.S. President Ronald Rea gan sent an international occupation force
to assist the Israeli forces and allow them to pull back. On Oct. 23, 1983, a
truck bomb at the new U.S. base in Beirut airport killed 241 U.S. Marines and 54
French soldiers. U.S. and other international troops were pulled out.
Israel is a state built on stolen land. The occupied Palestinian
population has never stopped resisting. Each U.S.-equipped Israeli offensive
since the creation of the state of Israel 58 years ago has caused enormous human
suffering, as well as deepened the rage and determination of the attacked and
displaced people. Although totally disarmed, isolated and surrounded, the
Palestinians have organized themselves again and again to resist, even under the
most onerous conditions.
The Lebanese resistance has grown in a similar
way.
For both peoples the resistance has taken many political forms, but
each time it resurges with more militancy, determination and skill.
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
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