Election fraud thwarted, struggle continues

The Haitian people, who chose René Garcia Préval in the Feb. 7 presidential election, then reinforced their votes with massive, militant demonstrations that forced the imperialist-installed interim government to finally concede Préval’s victory. This was a stinging defeat for U.S. imperialism as well as its partners France and Canada and their local allies in the Haitian bourgeoisie.

The imperialists had spent two years and $75 million on this election, trying to legitimize their overthrow of the very popular President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. They sent Canada’s federal supervisor of elections there. Over 10,000 UN troops, the armed wing of the UN’s “stabilization” mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), were supposedly protecting the polling stations and ballots. But the polls never opened in some poor neighborhoods and rural areas—places where support for Préval was especially strong. Never theless, the Haitian people voted against the imperialist-backed candidates in such massive numbers that it was clear Préval was the winner.

But the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) refused to acknowledge even that he had a majority. It attempted to cook the books. Tens of thousands of ballots were tossed into a garbage dump at Trutier, north of the capital, Port-au-Prince. MINUSTAH was supposed to guard them, but somehow slipped up.

Tens of thousands of ballots were declared blank or defective, even though voters had waited for hours in long lines in the hot sun to cast their votes.

With protests mounting in size and intensity, but still relatively peaceful, and more revelations every day about the CEP’s attempts at fraud, the interim government in Haiti and the UN, backed by the U.S., France and Canada, offered Préval a deal.

The CEP said it would change the way it regarded blank and defective ballots so Préval would slide over the 50 percent mark and be declared the winner. He could have demanded a recount, but instead he took the deal and currently is scheduled to assume office March 29.

This deal, however, lets his opponents in Haiti’s bourgeoisie and abroad dispute his election and claim that he really is not the “legitimate” president of Haiti. Nothing has been said about the outcome of parliamentary elections also held on Feb. 7. As of Feb. 27, their results have yet to be announced.

Runoffs for the parliamentary elections are scheduled for March 19. Préval can’t take office until the Parliament has been seated. This is another way in which pressure will be applied to pull him away from the masses and their tremendous needs, such as jobs, clean water and education.

The U.S. has been pushing Préval to “reconcile” with his opponents—people like Louis Jodel Chamblain and Guy Philippe. Chamblain has been convicted in absentia of mass murder; Philippe worked in the death squads of the Duvalier dictatorship, was trained by U.S. Special Forces in Ecuador, was a police chief and had to flee Haiti when his plans for a coup in 2002 were uncovered. Both had their convictions and sentences overturned after they returned to Haiti in 2004 as leaders of the armed forces that, with the help of the U.S., overturned Aristide.

A party held Feb. 18 in a wealthy area in the mountains above Port-au-Prince, near Petionville, was attended by both Préval and the U.S. ambassador to Haiti, Timothy M. Carney. Ambassador Carney was duplicitous and divisive when he told a reporter, “We believe we can work with Préval. Haitians clearly believe he is his own man. I think what he’s doing now is proving he has the force of character, by reaching out to the opposition, by beginning to move forward with no Aristide in sight.” (New York Times, Feb. 20)

While France, Canada and the U.S. all congratulated Préval on his victory, Cuba and Venezuela got there first. Ricardo Alarcón, president of Cuba’s National Assembly, noted on Feb. 16 that Cuba and Haiti had good relations during Préval’s earlier term and added that Haiti needs fewer occupying troops and more aid for health and education, which Cuba has been providing.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez congratulated Préval in a telephone conversation on Feb. 17. He told Préval he would like to visit Jacmel in southeastern Haiti on March 12 to mark the 200th anniversary of the arrival there of Vene zuelan independence hero Francisco de Miranda. He also said he was taking steps for Haiti to enter Petrocaribe, a Caribbean oil initiative promoted by Venezuela.

Miranda had gone to Jacmel to visit Jean Jacques Dessalines, the hero of Haiti’s slave revolt, to ask him how to petition for independence. Dessalines told him the best way was to seize it with arms in hand.

The key immediate issue for Préval is how he handles the return of Aristide and other political exiles to Haiti. He agrees that Aristide, under the constitution, does indeed have the right to return, but also says he could be subject to prosecution based on trumped-up charges.

Berthony Dupont, an editor for Haïtí Progrès who monitors local Haitian radio shows, says the Haitian community in New York, reflecting opinion in Haiti, is split over Aristide’s return. Some—both opponents and supporters—see his return as provoking a new U.S. intervention. Others feel that Aristide should hand Préval his sash of office on March 29.

Progressive political forces in Haiti are warning Préval that he can’t ignore the people in his attempt to achieve reconciliation. The National Popular Party (PPN) released a statement Feb. 21 noting that “any government which has benefited from the masses’ mandate but which tramples on [their] demands will meet with opposition.”

The statement continues, “The PPN once again recognizes and respects the people’s victory. The battle has just begun.”