Professor Sami al-Arian
Harsh sentence keeps Palestinian in jail
By
G. Dunkel
Published May 11, 2006 9:07 PM
The case of Professor Sami al-Arian is but the
latest example of how the United States government can use its vast repressive
powers to grab a victory that it couldn’t win before a jury.
In
December of 2005, the government lost most of its case against al-Arian, whom it
had accused of being the “linchpin” of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad
(PIJ) in North America. He was acquitted on eight of the most serious charges;
the jury deadlocked 10-2 over acquitting him on the nine remaining. Three of his
co-defendants were totally acquitted.
Al-Arian had been a professor of
computer science at the University of South Florida. He also was one of the
founders of the World and Islam Studies Enterprise, formed to promote dialog
between the “Muslim and Western worlds.” He is a Palestinian, born
in Kuwait and raised in Egypt, who came to the United States in 1975, got an
education, married and had five children, all born in the U.S.
Al-Arian
was held in solitary confinement after being arrested in February 2003,
depriving him of contact with his children. After his trial, facing the
possibility of a retrial and knowing he was going to be deported anyway, he
agreed to a plea bargain. He pleaded guilty to helping a PIJ associate and his
brother-in-law with immigration issues and accepted deportation. That would let
him be reunited with his family. In return, the other charges were to be
dismissed and he would receive a light sentence.
He knew that one of his
co-defendants, Sameeh Hammoudeh, was still being held in solitary confinement by
Immigration and Customs Enforcement, even though he had been acquitted of all
the charges against him. ICE claimed that Israel wouldn’t accept
Hammoudeh’s return to the West Bank, although Israeli spokesmen for three
ministries told the St. Petersburg Times in late February that they knew of no
problems with his return.
When al-Arian went to federal court in Tampa,
Fla., on May 1 for his sentencing, U.S. District Judge James S. Moody Jr. gave
him the maximum penalty of 57 months, meaning that, even with time served, he
still has to serve another 18 months in jail. Moody accepted all the
prosecution’s accusations, even those rejected by the
jury.
Al-Arian’s lawyer had told the court that his client had
played a significant but purely political role in PIJ—but only before it
had been declared a “terrorist” organization by the U.S. government
in 1995. The government had begun its investigation of al-Arian and his
co-defendants in 1993, amassing 400,000 wiretapped conversations—about
8,000 a week.
Even with all this effort and after spending millions of
dollars, the government still wasn’t able to convince a jury in Tampa that
al-Arian was a terrorist. But it kept him locked up, out of contact with his
family, using threats of further and continued prosecution to force him to
concede. It then used his concession to brand him as a “liar and
hypocrite,” got the judge to break the government’s agreement and
punished him to the limit.
The government still has the tools it needs to
get the courts to mete out cruel and vindictive punishment, especially to
Palestinians who challenge it.
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