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Colombian prisoner wins second round in U.S. courts
By
Betsey Piette
Washington, D.C.
Published Mar 30, 2007 9:13 PM
The U.S. government’s attempt to railroad Colombian political prisoner
Ricardo Palmera, alias Simón Trinidad, suffered another significant
setback March 26 when chief judge of the District Court for Washington, D.C.,
Thomas F. Hogan, was forced to recuse himself from the case after a motion
filed by defense attorney Robert Tucker exposed a conspiracy between Hogan and
the prosecutors.
The recusal, on what was scheduled to be the opening day of a new trial, came
after it was revealed that Judge Hogan had had ex parte dealings with the
prosecutors in the case. In November 2006, the U.S. government’s case
against Trinidad ended in a mistrial when jurors could not reach a unanimous
verdict. Hogan, who presided over that trial, subsequently approved a sealed
(secret) motion granting prosecutors permission to interview jurors regarding
their reasons for not convicting Trinidad.
Under laws governing the District of Columbia court system, if one party in a
case communicates with a judge, the other side has a right to know about it and
to present their side at the same time. During a pretrial hearing on March 19,
while he was accusing the defense of trying to “politicize” the
case, lead prosecutor Kenneth Kohl let slip his interview with the foreman from
the first jury. This brought to light the attempt to conceal the interview from
the defense. It meant that the judge and prosecutors were illegally working
together behind the back of Trinidad’s defense attorneys.
That Hogan was actively assisting the prosecution came as no surprise. From day
one of Trinidad’s first trial, Hogan showed open bias for the
prosecution, giving the impression that he was presiding over a trial that
could have only one outcome—condemnation of Trinidad.
The prisoner had served as a peace negotiator for the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC). Trinidad had been kidnapped on the streets of Quito,
Ecuador and then extradited from Colombia to the U.S., where he was being tried
under U.S. domestic law, including the U.S. Patriot Act, for participating in
the revolutionary movement in his own country.
Trinidad faced five charges of kidnapping stemming from a February 2003
incident in which a small surveillance plane flown by U.S. military
contractors—the new word for mercenaries—crash-landed in territory
controlled by revolutionaries in the south of Colombia. The agents—Thomas
Howes, Keith Stansell and Marc Gonsalves—have been held captive by the
FARC since that time.
Although Trinidad was not involved in the act, prosecutors tried to make it
appear he was associated with the events. Thus he was charged with
“conspiracy” in the matter. Throughout the original trial,
Hogan’s evidentiary rulings gave the prosecutors carte blanche while
severely limiting the defense, to the extent that Trinidad was the only witness
on his own behalf.
Simon Trinidad—2, U.S. gov’t—0
Trinidad’s eloquent testimony, however, appeared to have been a key
factor in dissuading enough jurors from accepting the government’s
depiction of Trinidad and the FARC as “terrorists” that they
withstood Hogan’s repeated pressure to reach a guilty verdict. The
prosecutor’s secret interviews appeared to be a fishing expedition to
find out just what Trinidad had said that swayed the jurors. With this
knowledge, they could get Judge Hogan to limit similar lines of defense the
second time around.
Tucker called on Hogan to disqualify himself since his “impartiality
could reasonably be questioned” after he allowed the prosecution to talk
to former jurors to get help with their case in retrial and then sealed the
evidence so “no one would find out.” In his response to
Tucker’s motion, prosecutor Kenneth Kohl admitted, “When we
prosecute the case the second time, we want to make sure that the jury finds
the defendant guilty. ... The government naturally wants to do its
homework.”
While Hogan’s withdrawal from the case was a victory for Trinidad’s
defense, it doesn’t spell the end of the U.S. government’s
persecution of the prisoner or U.S. interference in Colombia. At a press
conference preceding the opening of the trial, Tom Burke of the National
Committee to Free Ricardo Palmera noted, “The fact this trial can take
place at all is an affront to Colombian sovereignty. The trial is an extension
of Plan Colombia—the undeclared U.S. war against the Colombian
people.”
Berta Joubert Ceci of the International Action Center denounced the U.S.
government’s continued support for the government of Colombia, where
eight legislators allied with President Álvaro Uribe Vélez have been
charged with collaborating with deadly paramilitaries. These paramilitary death
squads are responsible for the displacement of millions of poor Colombians and
the massacres and assassinations of human rights advocates and social and labor
leaders.
“If the United States really wanted democracy and peace in the region and
in Colombia in particular,” said Joubert, “it would endorse and
enforce a political negotiated solution between the insurgency and the
government. The humane thing to do is to have a prisoner exchange where
Simón Trinidad and Sonia [Anaybe Rojas Valderrama] are returned to their
country.”
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.
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