How Congress could stop the war - but won't
By
Sara Flounders
Published Sep 22, 2007 8:13 AM
What if Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi refused to present Congress with a
bill to fund the criminal U.S. occupation of Iraq? The possibility of a Bush
veto would not be an issue.
Although billions of dollars are still in the pipeline, President George W.
Bush and the Pentagon, faced with a new political reality, would be forced to
begin making plans for withdrawal.
As speaker of the House, Pelosi has full control over which pieces of
legislation make it onto the floor for a vote. The Democratic Party majority in
Congress could just sit on any war-spending bill and there would be no funds
for the war.
Last November, when millions of people voted for Democratic Party politicians
who claimed to be anti-war, this is exactly the kind of legislative action they
expected them to take.
It is important to confront the direct fraud that the Democratic leaders, who
control a majority in both houses of Congress, are putting forth as they
prepare to fund the war. Ever since the election they have given endless
excuses about how they lack the votes to do what they promised to do.
The Democrats claim that, because they do not have a two-thirds majority, they
are powerless to overrule an expected Bush veto on a war-funding bill that
would set a deadline for withdrawal. So they must pass a bill that Bush would
approve.
But they could simply refuse to present a bill for ANY war funding.
They clearly have the constitutional authority, the legislative power and the
political mandate.
One of Pelosi’s first acts as speaker of the House was to declare that
impeachment proceedings against Bush were “off the table.” She
would refuse to allow this burning issue to come to the floor of the House. Why
not declare instead that war funding is “off the table”?
But it will take a massive, determined, angry and independent movement to force
the Democratic majority in Congress to put impeachment on the
table and take war funding off.
Media complicity in the war
The Democrats, with endless help from the corporate media, have presented a
hand-wringing theatrical fraud about lacking sufficient votes to take any
action against the war.
Every major media outlet has spent considerable time and space describing how
Democrats need to compromise with Bush and the Republicans. We are told that in
order to pass any legislation the Democrats must remove binding dates for
withdrawal and give Bush all the money he is demanding to continue the
war—all in order to win bipartisan support. All these pundits say the
Constitution makes it impossible for Congress to stop the war.
But the opposite is true.
The corporate media are totally interlinked with the oil and military
corporations. Five years ago these media provided endless coverage of
nonexistent Iraqi “weapons of mass destruction.” They continue to
give nonstop coverage about the Pentagon’s concern for peace and
stability in Iraq. Now they argue that there is no choice except to continue to
spend hundreds of billions more on the war.
In May the Democrat-controlled Congress gave Bush even more money for the war
than he had asked for. That funding cycle ends on Oct. 1. Congress is set to
repeat its collaboration in the war by again voting the funds, while claiming
it is helpless to do otherwise.
The Sept. 13 newsletter of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting gives examples of
this constant deception practiced by the New York Times, the Washington Post,
Associated Press, MSNBC and NBC’s Chris Matthews Show.
Sitting on a bill to kill it
Left out of all this coverage are facts that are well-known to all Washington
politicians, lobbyists, commentators and journalists on how funding for the war
in Iraq could be stopped at any number of points in either the House or
Senate.
According to the U.S. Constitution, spending bills have to originate in the
House of Representatives. Congress has decisive control over funds for war.
Not only does the speaker of the House, now a Democrat, control what
legislation goes to the floor for a vote, but Democrats, as the majority party,
currently chair all committees in both houses of Congress.
Spending bills originate in the House Appropriations Committee. Dave Obey, a
Democrat from Wisconsin who chairs that committee, could simply refuse to move
funding for the war out of committee. This is the fate of many hundreds of
bills introduced into Congress each year. Most bills “die in
committee.”
The Appropriations Committee has a subcommittee on defense chaired by John
Murtha, a Democrat from Pennsylvania. Murtha says he wants to bring the troops
home. He could do this by refusing to bring forward a bill funding the war.
After a funding bill is approved in the House, it moves to the Senate. Sen.
Robert Byrd of Virginia, head of the Senate Appropriations Committee, has
eloquently opposed the war. He could refuse to move the bill through his
committee. Harry Reid, Senate Majority leader, could refuse to bring the bill
to the Senate floor. Any of these measures would kill the multi-billion-dollar
war-funding bill.
There would be no need for a 60 percent majority to stop a Republican
filibuster nor a two-thirds majority to overcome a presidential veto.
Justifying collaboration
To further justify their collaboration with Bush on the war, members of
Congress use their supposed concern for U.S. troops as a human shield. They are
hiding behind soldiers and the threat that U.S. soldiers could wake up tomorrow
with no food, water or even funds to pull out.
This is also a fraud. The Pentagon does not live paycheck to paycheck as
workers do. The budget and supply process is decided months and years in
advance.
The Pentagon is using funds allocated for the Iraq war to plan and prepare a
new war against Iran. Half the U.S. Navy has moved to within striking range of
Iran. Pentagon planners have targeted more than 10,000 bombing sites.
So why won’t the congressional Democrats do what they promised to do? Why
are they totally complicit in the war?
Every capitalist politician, Republican or Democrat, needs tens of millions of
dollars to run for national office. They either have the deep pockets of a
multi-million-dollar family fortune behind them or they need large corporate
donations. They need hours of favorable coverage in the corporate media.
The entire U.S. ruling class has an enormous stake in the desperate effort to
secure continued domination and control of the largest oil reserves on the
planet. The super profits that drive the U.S. capitalist economy are drawn from
a world empire.
Politicians may wring their hands over the deaths of U.S. soldiers and the
spiraling costs that are gutting every desperately needed social program. But
political parties are loyal to the capitalist system.
Congress and media know the determination of corporate America is to stay in
Iraq for a generation or more.
As the Oct. 1 deadline for funding the war nears, a political challenge is
being prepared by the Troops Out Now Coalition. The greatest contribution of
the Encampment scheduled to take place directly in front of Congress from Sept.
22 to 29 is to show that independent mass action is needed to really end the
war. Learning through bitter experience about the role of both capitalist
parties is an essential part of the struggle to end the war.
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.
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