Elections in Uruguay, Venezuela show waning grip of
imperialism
By Berta Joubert-Ceci
The people of South America are in a struggle to take back
their countries from the grasp of those representing
transnational capital and the imperialist-imposed neoliberal
process of privatization and "open markets." This struggle was
reflected Oct. 31, just two days before the
too-much-talked-about U.S. elections, in elections in both
Uruguay in the south and Venezuela in the north of the
continent.
In Uruguay, a coalition of left to center-left parties,
groups and individuals won the presidency by a wide margin.
Many Uruguayans had gone into exile when a repressive military
dictatorship took over in the 1970s. Out of an estimated
500,000 who live abroad, some 40,000 returned to their country
just before the election to be able to participate. They
traveled from Europe and the nearby countries of Argentina,
Brazil and Paraguay, both to participate in the elections and
be part of the historic moment. Airports, ports and bus
terminals were festive as relatives and friends welcomed their
loved ones, mostly young, who were exiled for political or
economic reasons.
Dr. Tabaré Vázquez, candidate of the Frente
Amplio (Broad Front), won by a wide margin in the first round.
This is the first time in Uruguay's 170-year history that a
leftist has won the highest government office. Dr.
Vázquez, a socialist and an oncologist who treats cancer
patients, from 1990 until 1995 was the mayor of Monte video,
the nation's capital, where half of the country's population
resides.
About half a million people had attended the closing rally
of the FA campaign on Oct. 27. After the elections, as soon as
the first results were known, people from poor neighborhoods
poured into the center of Montevideo where the FA's
headquarters are located. Shouts of "Uruguay, Uruguay, Uruguay"
were mixed with revolutionary songs and slogans.
Besides electing a president, the people overwhelmingly
decided against a proposal for a constitutional amendment that
would have privatized the water. This was a major setback for
transnational corporations, which are intensifying their
vulture-like pursuit of water resources all over the
region.
This country of only 3.4 million people was once dubbed the
Switzerland of Latin America. Education and social benefits
were guaranteed, paid mostly from the revenues of meat and wool
exports. Two centrist capitalist parties, the Colorados (Reds)
and the Blancos (Whites), have been swapping power ever since
the middle of the 1800s. A military dictatorship ruled the
country from 1973 to 1985.
The façade of a prosperous, egalitarian country more
democratic than its neighbors was punctured by the rise of an
urban guerrilla movement in the 1960s--the National Liberation
Movement (Tupa maros), which distributed food to the poor. In
1971 the FA was formed. Former guerrilla members now form the
largest sector of FA members.
Even in this Latin American "Switzer land," neoliberal
formulas led to indebtness to the World Bank and International
Monetary Fund. Priva tization of national enterprises and
resources and reduction of social programs became a reality.
The terrible financial collapse that crumbled Argentina and the
fall of Brazil's currency, the real, were also severe blows to
Uruguay's economy. These two countries were the base of its
income through export and tourism.
The economy began contracting in 2001, several banks were
closed, bank deposits in foreign currencies were frozen and
unemployment rose to 19.8 percent. Jorge Battle, the current
president and a close U.S. ally, set in motion fiscal measures
to improve the economy, which by 2003 showed a modest upswing
that continued to the first months of 2004. However, this did
not translate into any improvement in the quality of life for
the majority of the people.
Poverty increased, and now 32 percent of the population,
with 56 percent of Uruguay's children under the age of 6, lives
under the poverty level. External debt is now $13 billion.
This situation has increased inequality and dissatisfaction.
Because of it, the FA over the years has steadily increased in
numbers and power. Communists, socialists, labor and former
guerrillas united. Even some Social and Christian Demo crats
and Nationalists disaffiliated from their parties to join the
FA, which organizes through neighborhood-based committees.
Well-known Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano says that this
political force "grew day by day, house by house, without
noise, in silence, without ostentation ... and the most
important thing is that it grew from the bottom up."
Members pay monthly dues and elect their representatives. A
National Plenum and Political Bureau are the permanent
leadership bodies. The name has evolved to Progressive
Encounter Broad Front New Majority, reflecting the coalition
character and the participation of varied political forces.
Tabaré Vázquez has promised to address the
social emergency, starting with a $100-million emergency plan
of assistance to the poorest sectors of the population and
working for a more equitable distribution of the nation's
wealth.
While the people in Latin America are celebrating,
Washington is not. Phila del phia Inquirer foreign staff
reporter Kevin Hall wrote on Nov. 1: "Socialist Tabaré
Vázquez won a majority of votes for president in Uruguay
yesterday, adding his nation to South America's political swing
to the left and potentially denying the United States an
important ally in the region." The New York Times describes the
FA as an "ungainly beast."
The U.S. ruling class is certainly upset with the election
results, for it will lose a loyal ally who not only imposed the
criminal neoliberal measures but also backed U.S. "free trade"
agreements for the Americas and joined its attempts to isolate
Cuba. In 2003 and 2004, Uruguay presented resolutions in the
United Nations condemning Cuba for human rights abuses. Now
Tabaré Vázquez has called for "independence with
respect to political and military alliances under the hegemony
of great powers" and promises to restore relations with
Cuba.
Daniel Viglietti, an Uruguayan composer and musician, says:
"This is a historic moment in Latin America, it is the people's
time."
Bolivarians move forward in Venezuela
In the north, in Venezuela, reveille rang out at 3 a.m. on
Oct. 31 announcing the time to wake up and get ready to vote.
Although not as internationally publicized as the presidential
referendum of Aug. 15, these regional and local elections were
an important step in the advancement of what Venezuelans call
the Bolivarian Revolution. The opposition's hold was broken on
many gubernatorial and mayoral offices.
More than 120,000 troops and police were in place throughout
the country to ensure a smooth carrying out of the elections,
since the enemies of the revolution had threatened
disruption.
Out of 22 governorships, 19 were won by candidates backed by
President Hugo Chávez. Only in the oil-rich state of
Zulia and in Nueva Esparta, both hard enemies of the Bolivarian
Process, did the anti-Chávez candidates win. The state
of Carabobo, another base of the opposition, was undecided two
days after the election, with many hand-written ballots still
being counted--in Caracas, as decided by the National Electoral
Council after violent responses by the opposition. Written
ballots are usually from the poorest citizens, who are
overwhelmingly for the revolution.
An important victory was that of Juan Barreto for mayor of
Metropolitan Caracas. He will now join Freddy Bernal, the
outspoken revolutionary mayor of the Caracas Municipality, in a
political union. Alfredo Peña, the previous mayor, had
joined the opposition and used the Metro politan Police against
the masses in an effort to stop the revolutionary process.
After defeat in an August referendum over the presidency,
the opposition has fragmented and suffered fighting in its
ranks. Confused after ambiguous messages from their leaders
over voting or abstaining, many did not know what to do.
Venezuelans say that without the assistance of Washington, they
would not be a force to contend with. But the bourgeois
political establishment in the U.S.--including both George W.
Bush and John Kerry-- want to keep the opposition alive.
In a speech after the Venezuelan referendum vote, Kerry said
that the Bush administration "has lost the credibility
necessary to become a true force for progress. As president, I
will create a true Community of the Americas, built on mutual
respect and support for democracy, where neighbors look after
neighbors as we work to realize our common goals."
U.S. "support for democracy" has meant continuing to fund
opposition organizations for the violent defeat of the
revolution--as illustrated by their attempts to forcibly remove
a popularly elected president, instigate an oil industry
sabotage and many other actions. Millions of dollars have been
funneled to the opposition through the U.S. National Endowment
for Democracy.
But the revolution is growing stronger. In the coming days
all the governors will be summoned to Caracas to plan new paths
for the country, including the distribution of land through the
Land Reform Law in the popular new Venezuelan Constitution,
voted on by the people.
Last month President Chávez visited Petare, one of
the poorest barrios of Caracas, for a ceremony to hand land
titles to more than 3,000 families. During the event, he said:
"We need to leave behind us the horrendous capitalist system
that has been installed here, by those who attempted to
dominate the people and to throw them into poverty. This is why
we are here, to put an end to this."
Reprinted from the Nov. 11, 2004, issue of
Workers World newspaper
This article is copyright under a Creative
Commons License.
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