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Bush, Greenspan threaten Social Security

By Milt Neidenberg

Amid cheers of "four more years," confetti and balloons saturating the ballroom, President George W. Bush fired a preemptive strike on Social Security at the Republican National Convention Sept. 2.

He repeated his call to privatize a section of the system which could empty the Social Security Trust Fund of $2 trillion over 10 years. Currently the Fund provides about $492 billion to 47 million retirees each year.

Bush opened his attack on Social Security in a cloak of lies and deception. To a crowd of adoring delegates, he said: "We will always keep the promise of Social Security for our older workers ... in all these proposals, we seek to provide ... more freedom and more control over your own lives."

According to former U.S. Rep. Barbara Kennelly, president of the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, "The president is trying to hide the fact that in the 'ownership society,' what individuals really own is the risk. No guarantees, no security, no protection."

It is an insidious plan. More than 150 million wage earners currently pay into the Federal Insurance Contribution Act (FICA), a tax of 6.2 percent of their wages to assure a modest nest egg in retirement years. The workers have viewed this as an insurance policy, a contract with the government, no different from a defined benefit pension or a 401(k) pension plan, though the courts have ruled that it is a social program handed down by the government.

The Social Security Trust Fund has been ripped off as the budget deficit grows at an alarming rate. Over the years, trillions of dollars have been replaced by IOUs. These paper coupons are worthless to the 77 million baby boomers, born after World War II, who will soon reach retirement age.

Most recently, the borrowing grew astro nomically to pay for the endless wars of imperialist aggression, tax cuts for the wealthiest sector of capitalist society, plus huge amounts to pay the banks for debt service.

The liberal establishment claims that Social Security could be solvent if Bush would pare back around 50 percent of his tax relief for the wealthy that he wants to make permanent, making his privatization plan unnecessary.

Over the years, without consulting workers, many amendments to the law have been passed, whether under Repub lican or Democratic administrations. It was the Clinton administration that created a commission that came up with the recommendation to privatize Social Security through personal accounts to be set up for young workers just entering the program, similar to what Bush is now proposing.

There were divisions in the inner circle of the Bush administration over whether to touch this hot potato. Those who supported the idea of private Social Security accounts, like Karl Rove, Bush's top hatchet man, and Treasury Secretary John Snow, thought this would sit well with the future retirees.

Others like Chairperson of the Council of Economic Affairs Greg Mankiw and top economic advisor Stephen Friedman saw it as the "third rail of politics," a shock move that could even lose Bush the election, except for the fact that John Kerry, his Democratic opponent, has been mum on this crisis.

Federal Reserve Board (FRB) Chair pers on Alan Greenspan, who claims to stand above the mundane politics of the two capitalist parties, has all along supported downsizing Social Security benefits.

Growing old a danger under capitalism?

At a two-day symposium held at the end of August, central bankers, Wall Street academics and scholars gathered in Jackson Hole, Wyo., for a conference organized by the FRB of Kansas. The theme of the annual conference was demographics and government retirement benefits. The discussion centered on how to zap an aging population that is becoming a burden to capitalist society--a sure sign of a decadent system.

Against a background of snow-tipped mountains, shiny lakes, and plush hotels, FRB Chairperson Alan Greenspan set the tone. He described the economic implications of the aging of the population and predicted that it will significantly affect the fiscal situation. He warned that the U.S. may have already promised retirees more Social Security and Medicare benefits than it can deliver and urged policy makers to "recalibrate" benefits without raising taxes.

"If we delay, the adjustments could be abrupt and painful," he said. (Wall Street Journal, Aug. 30)

Greenspan talked about the "elderly dependency ratio," the ratio of older workers to younger, and the fact that except for a short period following the Second World War, "it has been rising in the industrialized world." He said that the ratio is worse for Europe and Japan.

The FRB chairperson reminded the elite audience that the U.S. population older than 65 will climb from 12 percent to 20 percent by 2035. He warned political leaders that they cannot count on continued rapid rises in productivity and faster economic growth to solve the problems of soaring retirement and health-care costs.

His speech was calculated to pressure young and old to accept Social Security concessions or face the possibility of never getting benefits. The truth is, many may never see a Social Security check, but for different reasons.

According to the Sept. 5 New York Times, inhuman stress on the job and the fear of being fired raises the question of whether these wage earners will live long enough to collect. "American workers are stressed out and in an unforgiving economy, they are becoming more so every day."

Greenspan used his dominant position as the manipulator of monetary policy (interest rates) to cover up his attack on workers and oppressed communities. This is nothing new for Greenspan. In the early 1980s, he wielded the hatchet when President Ronald Reagan appointed him to chair a Social Security Commission. His recommendations led to an increase in the retirement age to as much as 67 for those who entered the workforce after 1960 to get their entire benefit.

Greenspan presented the idea to tax Social Security benefits, which Reagan and Congress readily seized. Once again, the sly old conspirator was plotting strategy to satisfy his ruling class masters.

Social Security won in struggle

The Social Security Act of 1935 was to be a first step to guarantee an income for seniors, the disabled and the families of those whose loved ones died prematurely. Social Security and Medicare were meant to provide a precious network of concessions won by the courage and sacrifice of the laboring masses that took over the factories and the streets during the 1930s depression.

It was meant to be a beginning. Social Security was considered one leg in a three-legged stool. The other two necessary for a secure retirement were personal savings and pensions.

But private sector pension plans are vanishing. Corporate America, Wall Street financiers, and a government that represents their class interests are savaging savings. Now Medicare premiums are due to rise to a record 17 percent in the coming year.

As the economy continues to shrink, the war at home intensifies. Decent jobs are hard to find, and the endless wars abroad in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere have diverted hundreds of billions of dollars from the needs of the people. The relentless attack against the workers and oppressed communities is tearing apart all the hopes of security in the golden years.

Only bold measures, independent and class-wide, can stop this hemorrhaging. Labor's forebears paved the way. Social Security is a contract, an insurance policy, not a handout from the government. It must not be reduced or denied.

Those benefits must be protected and advanced to guarantee a retirement that is secure, 100-percent solvent and under the control of trustees elected by beneficiaries.

There are more than 150 million wage earners in the Social Security program. Young and old, multinational, women and immigrants, they have produced the wealth of this capitalist economy through their labor power. They constitute a powerful force when united in a righteous cause.

Reprinted from the Sept. 16, 2004, issue of Workers World newspaper

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