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Iraqi resistance creates dilemma for U.S. ruling class

Based on a talk given by Sara Flounders at a Jan. 31 Workers World Forum on Imperialism & Self-determination in the Middle East.

The U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq is a frontal assault to seize all that the Iraqi revolution had liberated from imperialist control starting in 1958. Every Iraqi knows that the Pentagon has not brought liberation. But every current in Iraqi society is shocked at the level of chaos, brutality and racist arrogance of the U.S. occupation.

This outrage has added fuel to the resis tance and cut the ground out from the thin layer of Iraqis who wanted to collaborate. It has also created enormous problems for the U.S. military machine and Bush's plans for "endless war."

On Jan. 12 the Army War College publicized a scathing report by Dr. Jeffrey Record, a visiting professor at the Air War College at Maxwell Air Force Base in Alabama. The report warns that the U.S. Army is "near the breaking point." The report declares that the administration is biting off more than it can chew.

Record criticizes the Bush administration for how it is handling the war on terrorism, accusing it of taking a detour into an "unnecessary" war in Iraq and pursuing an "unrealistic" quest against terrorism that may lead to new U.S. wars with states that pose no serious threat.

The most incredible thing about this report is that it compares the scale of U.S. ambitions in the so-called war on terrorism to Adolf Hitler's overreach in World War II. "A cardinal rule of strategy is to keep your enemies to a manageable number. ... The Germans were defeated in two world wars ... because their strategic ends outran their available means."

You would think that this is a shocking comparison of George W. Bush to Adolf Hitler in WWII. In the fall of 2002 German Justice Minister Herta Daeubler-Gmelin was forced to step down for comparing Bush's tactics to Hitler's.

But the Pentagon is comfortable with Nazi war terminology. Records may have used the analogy to Hitler because he was answering Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's own comments on U.S. military strategy two years earlier.

In January 2002 Rumsfeld openly compared U.S. military strategy to Hitler's Blitzkrieg or "lightning war." He was speaking at another war college, the National Defense University--to the very officers and strategists who plan U.S. wars.

Rumsfeld was riding high after launching a high-tech war against Afghanistan, one of the poorest, least developed countries in the world. He claimed that similar lightning strikes could conquer any country attempting independent development.

Along with embracing Nazi military terminology, Rumsfeld made it clear he would also borrow the Nazi justification for using overwhelming force and pre-emptive strikes. Like Hitler, Rumsfeld claimed his land was under attack.

Blitzkrieg is the term the Nazis used for their devastatingly effective war strategy. Preceded by extensive aerial bombardment of cities, German tanks and troops rolled across Europe, conquering markets, resources and territory for German capital, using enormous force to overwhelm small countries that had no defense against German military might.

Rumsfeld's use of the same belligerent word Hitler's generals used is no accidental slip. The Pentagon generals really think like Nazis when they plan for war.

Preemptive war is a theme that Pre sident George W. Bush continually reiterates. Even in this year's State of the Union Address Bush again declared, "America will never seek a permission slip."

Record's report isn't the only dissenting voice in ruling circles. One day after the publicity about the War College Report came former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill's revelation: The Bush administration planned to conquer Iraq from the moment it took office.

Arms researcher David Kay's revelations, and the "investigation" to find out what the CIA knew and didn't know about Iraq's weapons, give more evidence of questions in ruling-class circles. But it would be a mistake to think these dissenting opinions lead in the direction of peace and an end to occupation.

The struggle breaking out in the very top levels of the U.S. ruling class, among its military brass and corporate CEOs, and flowing out into the corporate media, is over how to contain the growing resis tance in Iraq.

The corporate rulers are in a terrible quandary. Even those in the ruling class who oppose Bush still want the Pentagon to succeed with the brutal colonial occupation. They want to crush the Iraqi resis tance, stabilize Iraq and grab the biggest part of Iraqi oil wealth.

Report recommends: a bigger army

Dr. Jeffery Record's comparison of Bush's wars to Hitler's wars of conquest is no anti-war declaration. His report is supported by at least a section of the U.S. military establishment.

Retired Army Col. Douglas C. Lovelace Jr., director of the Strategic Studies Insti tute, whose web site carries Record's 56-page report, declared that "the substance of the report really, really needs to be considered."

The Army War College's commandant, Maj. Gen. David H. Huntoon Jr., also approved publication of this critique.

These are dire warnings coming from the very top Pentagon brass and their think tanks. But what are their recommendations?

The report recommends increasing the size of the Army and Marine Corps. The report is actually aimed at opening a discussion in Congress on this military expansion.

The second recommendation in this War College Report is that the United States should scale back its ambitions in Iraq, but not by leaving Iraq. Rather, the United States should be prepared to settle for a "friendly autocracy" in Iraq rather than a "genuine democracy."

It didn't start with Bush

The aggression didn't start with the Bush administration and the neoconservatives. Remember Secretary of State Madeline Albright in the Clinton administration, interviewed on the television news magazine "60 Minutes"?

She told reporter Leslie Stahl that the death of more than half a million children in Iraq from the impact of U.S. sanctions was "worth it" if it helped get rid of Sad dam Hussein.

As a political representative of the capitalist ruling class, Albright was only reflect ing its belief that there is no right and wrong outside of one important question: What is the rate of profit?

If a political tactic strengthens U.S. corporate rulers' strategic position and profit interests in their struggle for world domination, then the capitalists will say it's right. If it ends up in a costly, unprofitable open-ended debacle--then it's a mistake, a blunder.

Those who have to fight and die in their wars are of no concern to them whatsoever. Nor is the suffering inflicted on the invaded nation, or the destruction of the environment.

It is only when the occupation started facing protracted resistance in Iraq that many of the very forces who urged the war turned on the Bush administration. In Congress before the war, both Republ icans and Democrats voted to give Bush full authority to wage war.

Of course the Pentagon does not want to keep tens of thousands of troops in Iraq, patrolling checkpoints. What they want is submission, quiet, order and a compliant government in place.

The same capitalist drive for new markets in a capitalist recession that fueled the German military blitzkrieg across Europe 65 years ago is fueling the Pentagon today.

But the Pentagon's vast overreach, its new bases, massive subsidies to the military-industrial complex in the form of an inflated military budget, and huge tax breaks to the super-rich won't jump start an economy drowning in glut. Instead they are dragging the economy down, while creating a volcano of opposition abroad and growing anger here in the United States.

Reprinted from the Feb. 12, 2004, issue of Workers World newspaper

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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