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Behind the democratic façade

Racism's role in U.S. elections

Based on a talk by Dianne Mathiowetz at an Aug. 13 Workers World Party meeting in New York City.

The airwaves and newspapers are filled with talk about the upcoming elections. Voting in them is presented as the highest form of democracy.

No matter how corrupt or unrepresentative the process of candidate selection and election is, the result will be heralded as the will of the people, the only legitimate and effective avenue for popular participation.

In analyzing the role of elections under capitalism and developing a strategy to overturn the rule of the few and the weal thy, understanding the struggle against racism and white supremacy is key to building the requisite unity for victory.

Revolutionaries in the United States, the epicenter of racism and imperialism, have to be ever conscious of history.

When this country was founded on the basis of bourgeois-democratic principles, voting was the exclusive right of white property-holding men. It wasn't even considered that women or slaves would have a political voice.

Despite the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, which extended suffrage to former slaves after the Civil War, and the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote in 1920, African American men and women faced overwhelming obsta cles in exercising that right, especially in the South.

In addition to poll taxes, literacy tests and other bureaucratic measures designed to prevent Black people from voting, there was the very real threat of physical violence and economic reprisals from the racist power structure and its armed goon squad, the Ku Klux Klan. Black people literally risked death to register to vote.

Reality of Jim Crow

The reality of "Jim Crow" segregation, with its separate water fountains, bathrooms, train cars, hotels and schools, is less than 40 years in the past.

Just decades ago it was standard practice for Black people to be forced to sit in the back of the bus; to stand aside for a white person passing on a sidewalk, eyes cast down; to labor long and hard for pitiful wages for "Mr. Charlie" as a sharecropper; and to have beatings and lynchings and rapes go unreported and unpunished.

The social, political and economic reality for millions of African Americans and other people of color remained separate and apart from the bourgeois principles of "all men are created equal" and "liberty and justice for all."

In the 1950s and 1960s a powerful civil-rights movement, fueled by the shared experience of every kind of racial indignity and oppression, swept through the small towns and cities of the South. Many tens of thousands of women, men and young people defied water cannons and snarling dogs, fire-bombings and bullets to force certain concessions from the government.

This movement created a different national social climate. A series of laws were passed, including the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which furthered the ability of Black people and others to participate in electoral politics.

Throughout the South and the whole country, there are now Black mayors and judges, city council members and sheriffs, and members of the U.S. House of Representatives. Currently, the Senate and the presidency remain an exclusive white millionaires' club.

Yet, as the recently released report "The Long Shadow of Jim Crow: Voter Intim idation and Suppression in America Today" by People for the American Way and the NAACP details, the bourgeois-democratic right to vote has still to be completely won for Black people and other oppressed peoples in this country.

Florida: an ongoing struggle

Many are aware that in the 2000 presidential election in Florida, thousands and thousands of people, mostly African Amer ican, Haitian or Spanish-speaking, were denied the right to vote because their names were wrongly deleted from the register. George W. Bush's election was only possible because of this massive voter fraud.

But the mainstream media have paid little attention to the ongoing struggle in Florida to prevent a similar purge from taking place again.

The administration of Florida Gov. Jeb Bush has delayed instituting the many changes in voting procedures that were mandated as a result of investigations into the 2000 election.

So hundreds of poll watchers are being recruited from around the country to prevent the disenfranchisement of seniors, the disabled, people of color and non-English-speaking voters in 2003.

According to the report, recently in the Orlando area, armed plainclothes officers from the Florida Department of Law Enforce ment questioned elderly Black voters in their homes. It was supposedly part of an investigation into voting irregularities in a mayoral election, but the clear intent was intimidation.

In 2000, police set up barricades and conducted identification stops around voting locations in the Black community in Miami and other Florida cities.

Many other instances of the use of an obvious and intrusive police presence around polling places in African American and immigrant communities are cited in the report, in places from South Carolina to Pennsylvania to California.

Another common device has been directed mailings to communities of color giving false information about election dates, voting requirements and polling locations.

Case of Cynthia McKinney

The 2002 re-election defeat of U.S. Rep. Cynthia McKinney of Georgia is still another example of the ongoing attempt to stifle electoral participation from the Black community.

McKinney represented her majority Black constituency by addressing issues of racism and reparations, women's and labor rights for five terms from 1993 to 003.

She earned the unrelenting enmity of the right wing by supporting justice for Palestinians and challenging the Bush administration after Sept. 11, 2001, during its build-up to war on Iraq.

She was defeated in her re-election bid two years ago when millions of dollars from groups such as the American Israel Political Action Committee filled her opponent's coffers--and some 40,000 Republican voters crossed over and voted in the Democratic primary.

However, in July, in a stunning reversal, McKinney won the Democratic primary. Now she is virtually certain to win back her seat in the House of Repre sentatives come November.

McKinney's primary campaign galvanized hundreds of volunteers who went door to door to motivate people to go to the polls.

The denial of voting rights is one of the many forms of inequality that stem from this racist system. The racial disparity in unemployment, wages, the prison population, death sentences, child mortality, incidence of disease, life expectancy and education--all reveal the blatant discrimination that prevails in this "democracy."

The election of any capitalist politician will not solve these deep-rooted contradictions. However, there can be no question that all workers should defend against racist attack the right to vote and hold office, like the right to a job and decent housing, heath care and education.

Throughout its 45-year history, Workers World Party has expressed, in word and action, its solid support for the struggles of oppressed peoples against racism, white supremacy and discrimination. Every ploy devised by the ruling class to divide and confuse workers must be exposed and fought. And that means defend ing oppressed people's right to vote and hold office without incurring a racist backlash.

Workers World Party's election campaign is another way to give an independent voice to the needs and aspirations of working and oppressed people. Capita lism has failed to meet its own definitions of equality. By presenting socialism as a viable and necessary alternative, WWP candidates unmask the charade of bourgeois electioneering.

All the millions who are disenfranchi sed, marginalized and alienated by this political system--prisoners, the homeless, immigrants, youths--are included in the struggle for a socialist future as critical par tners in the working-class movement.

Reprinted from the Sept. 9, 2004, issue of Workers World newspaper

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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