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At commemoration of Haymarket

The struggle comes up, again and again

By Milt Neidenberg

On Sept. 14, a monument was erected in Chicago at the site of the Haymarket Massacre. The area, desolate for years, is set between two superhighways. A plaque and a statue of life-sized, faceless figures were erected, supposedly to memorialize four anarchist/socialist leaders who were framed and hanged for the May 4, 1886, deaths of seven police officers.

The radical leaders were accused of being responsible, through their revolutionary agitation, for the bomb someone threw at the cops in the middle of a big crowd of peaceful protesters. The four leaders had been speaking from a wagon at the time and could not have thrown the bomb themselves.

The police violence that followed is the lesson of the Haymarket Massacre.

Indignation over the frame-up was so great that Illinois Gov. John Peter Altgeld was finally forced to pardon the accused--but not until after four had already been executed and one had died in prison, an apparent suicide.

This year's large sculpture and the celebration that followed were a total misrepresentation of the heroic class struggle that led to the Haymarket Massacre. This was a whitewash, a cover-up of the bosses' brutal response in collusion with the repressive capitalist state.

It took two years of discussion by a committee composed of labor officials, police brass, capitalist historians and city bureaucrats to agree to a theme. According to Tim Samuelson, a historian and a member of the committee, "The unifying theme is it's a tragedy--a human tragedy of people under difficult circumstances--reacting to something beyond their control."

The circumstances were not "beyond their control." It had been a planned, unprovoked police attack. The Chicago police, under orders, fired wildly into the crowd from different directions.

The dead included at least four workers and seven police, most of the latter probably killed in their own crossfire. Many workers, women and men, as well as children, were wounded--clubbed, crushed and trampled in the melee.

In an inflamed atmosphere of anti-union violence, there followed widespread arrests of class-conscious workers, anarchists and socialists, who had been rallying to support a bitter strike caused by a lockout by the McCormick Harvester Works Corp. The New York Tribune the next day trumpeted this monstrous lie: "The mob appeared crazed with a frantic desire for blood and holding its ground, poured volley after volley into the midst of the officers."

Ruling-class violence was on the agenda even before the Haymarket police riot. The bosses and the city had mobilized the National Guard, increased the number of anti-labor Pinkerton thugs, and deputized special police and provocateurs to infiltrate the trade unions and the anarchist and socialist movements.

They were trying to destroy the growing militancy that was moving toward a general strike in favor of the eight-hour day.

It grew into a national reign of terror. Any strike or struggle for shorter hours, better wages and working conditions was met with widespread arrests, conspiracy charges and long-term imprisonment of the leaders and class-conscious militants.

Haymarket, a century of conflict

A few years after the bomb was thrown into the crowd, a statue of a cop was erected in Chicago. It was damaged three times and finally removed to the protected courtyard of the city's police academy. In 1970, a plaque placed by class-conscious forces honoring the executed martyrs was stolen.

At this year's Sept. 14 commemoration, a conflict broke out over the interpretation of the statue and the plaque. The faceless statues were an effort to include the police among the victims. The sculptor who won the assignment commented that her abstract creation intended to send a message that "the violence didn't seem important, because this event was made up of much bigger ideas than one particular incident." Engraved on the plaque were references to free speech, public assembly, the fight for the eight-hour day, and the right of every human being to pursue an equitable and prosperous life.

A group of anarchists carrying black flags and banners correctly protested this as a betrayal of what Haymarket represents.

One of the anarchists challenged the project: "Those men who were hanged are being presented as social democrats or liberal reformers, when in fact they dedicated their whole lives to anarchy and social revolution. If they were here today, they'd be denouncing this project and everyone involved in it." (New York Times, Sept. 14)

That's true. There cannot be any compromise or unifying theme on the meaning of the Haymarket events. It was the culmination of a decade of capitalist repression, class struggle and revolutionary activity.

At the ceremony, the true story of the bosses' violence against the workers in collusion with the capitalist state was buried under the symbolism of class collaboration. This is unacceptable.

Only through revolutionary struggle will the workers and the oppressed nationalities begin to present the true history of the war for liberation from capitalist exploitation.

On Oct. 9, 1886, as the sentence of death by hanging was announced, the martyrs eloquently expressed dedication to the class struggle, not class collaboration.

August Spies, one of the defendants and a leader well loved and respected, an inspiration to the laboring masses, spoke to the packed court. Looking up defiantly at hanging Judge Eldridge Gary, he said: "If you think by hanging us you can stamp out the labor movement ... the movement from which the down-trodden millions, the millions who toil in want and misery, expect salvation--if this is your opinion then hang us! Here you will tread upon a spark, but there and there, behind you and in front of you and everywhere, flames blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out."

Material for this article came from "Labor's Untold Story" by Richard O. Boyer and Herbert M. Morais, published by the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE).

Reprinted from the Sept. 30, 2004, issue of Workers World newspaper

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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