Neoliberalism and resistance in Latin America
From a talk by Berta Joubert-Ceci at a Workers World
Party meeting in New York Dec. 3.
The situation in Latin America should be considered in the
context of the world situation, the war in the Middle East and
the U.S. economy.
We are talking about 13 countries in South America (if we
count Malvinas as part of Argentina), eight in Central America
and 24 in the Caribbean--with a combined population of more
than half a billion people.
There is constant debate throughout the region about the
class origins and revolutionary potential of the rising
movements. However, we can address the overall situation that
is giving rise to these movements, with particular attention to
Colombia and Venezuela.
The unifying factor that gave rise to today's resistance is
neoliberalism. This term means a consolidation of the measures
the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Trade
Organization and U.S. imperialism had imposed all along, but
now with a consistent pattern for all countries.
The imperialists' justification for neo liberalism was to
help Third World eco nomies develop and solve their economic
crises. But its real purpose was to firmly establish worldwide
capitalist domination and make these countries dependent profit
generators for U.S. corporations.
Some of neoliberalism's prominent features are
privatization, free flow of capital, absence or reduction of
tariffs, elimination of subsidies for the country's products,
reduction of government agencies--particularly those involved
with improving quality of life--and elimination of the social
safety net.
Another feature is a balanced budget requirement. Money that
was used to finance governmental agencies must now be diverted
to the deficit and a huge external debt that is impossible to
pay off.
Neoliberalism ignites resistance
Logically, the simultaneous imposition of these measures
leaves the population devastated and miserable. Jobs are lost
to privatization while prices increase and social programs are
reduced or eliminated.
In 1980, 120 million people in Latin America and the
Caribbean lived in poverty. By the end of 1999, some 220
million people were poor. From 1990 to 1995, 13.6 million of
the 15.7 million jobs created in Latin America were in the
informal economy.
Neoliberalism has awakened a massive response from the
people. The Latin American movement is very diverse, but it is
mainly anti-imperialist since the struggle against
neoliberalism has been its driving force.
In general, this is a new movement with different forces
than in the past. Along with traditional struggles by trade
unions and the peasantry, new forms of struggle and new
political formations are emerging.
Indigenous peoples defending their culture and territory
from transnational corporations; students defending their right
to education; women asserting their rightful place in the
struggle and organizing for their families' needs; lesbian and
gay people defending their rights; Afro-descendants fighting
racism--all are vital components of the movement.
We should remember that state terrorism and military
dictatorships have been responsible for decimating communist
and socialist parties in the region. Chile and Argentina are
well-known examples. But all of Latin America and the Caribbean
is a region where even attempts at reform have been paid for
with blood. The breakup of the Soviet Union also had an impact
on the progressive forces there, as it did worldwide.
In several countries, the new movements have forced the
election of presidents who, at least on paper, oppose
neoliberal "free trade" agreements. This is the case in
Argentina, Ecuador, Brazil, Bolivia and Uruguay.
Colombia under siege
While the United States intervenes militarily, financially
and diplomatically in every country of the region, it is most
deeply involved in Colombia. The reason is the armed
insurgency.
By now, we all know that Plan Colombia was not an anti-drug
effort. It has been exposed to the world as a
counter-insurgency plan. U.S. President George W. Bush has
expanded Plan Colombia into the Andean Initiative.
Recently, the U.S. Congress approved a twofold increase in
the number of U.S. military personnel and contractors allowed
to operate in Colombia--all geared to increase the offensive
against the insurgency.
Colombia is the second-biggest country in South America. It
borders Venezuela, Panamá, Ecuador, Perú and
Brazil, and has the added advantage of having both Atlantic and
Pacific coasts. Colombia is wealthy in natural resources and
biodiversity. Conditions like these make Colombia unique--and
very desirable to the imperialist appetite.
After President Hugo Chavez took office in Venezuela in
1998, the Colom bian-Vene zuelan border attracted additional
attention, becoming even more important for U.S. imperialism
because of Vene zuelan oil.
Colombia's armed resistance includes the oldest continuous
guerrilla movement on the continent--the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP). It was born at the
height of communist and progressive effervescence in 1964.
FARC has grown to approximately 15,000 members. It
controlled 40 percent of Colombian territory in 2000. The
National Liberation Army (ELN), another guerrilla movement
inspired by the Cuban Revolution, has a force of approximately
4,000.
Throughout its history, FARC has attemp ted to involve the
population in constructing a democratic and just Colom bia
through popular assemblies, regular communications and other
initiatives.
Every administration has responded with violence to the
guerrillas' attempts to negotiate a political solution. But the
current administration of President Álvaro Uribe has
been the most violent and intransigent.
Uribe, a fascist loyal to the United States, is even trying
to change his country's constitution so he can be re-elected,
giving him more time to exterminate the guerrillas and all
opposition to his neoliberal program.
Unarmed groups targeted
Uribe imposed the so-called Demo cratic Security Act, which
criminalizes political opposition and increases the powers of
the police and military.
The president declared that an oil workers' strike against
the privatization of ECOPETROL, the state oil industry, was
illegal. If a strike is considered illegal, then workers are
targets of the judicial system--arrests--the company--lost jobs
and termination of the union--and the death squads--threats and
assassinations.
Uribe considers all unarmed opposition groups sympathizers
of the guerrillas, even when they are not. This includes
religious organizations, labor unions, social movements of
Indigenous and Afro-Colom bian people, women, youths and
students, peasants, etc.
Any hint of a person's connection to the guerrillas can be a
death sentence. That activist and his or her family will be put
on the paramilitaries' hit list.
Attacks on the unarmed movement range from mass detentions
and arrests to death threats to assassinations and massacres.
Those subject to detention and arrest have no right to know
their accusers, who are generally paid informants.
Massacres are usually carried out where U.S. corporations
stand to benefit most from depopulation: sites of so-called
mega projects or valuable natural resources.
Solidarity with rebels
The United States wants another Falluja, another Guernica,
in Colombia--away from international view.
It is more necessary than ever to explain the true nature of
the armed insurgency in Colombia. The international movement
must not distance itself from the rebels, but put them
alongside the Iraqi and the Palestinian resistance.
The insurgency is fighting not only for the Colombian
people, but for all people in Latin America. And it is
essential for the consolidation of the Bolivarian Revolution
under way in Venezuela.
Already Colombian paramilitaries have waged
mini-interventions against Vene zuela from the Arauca
region.
Along with Cuba, Venezuela is now the hope of the masses in
the region and the world. More and more, the Bolivarian
Revolution moves away from capitalism toward socialism.
The threat that the Bolivarian Revo lution poses to the
imperialists is underscored by Washington's many attempts to
unseat Chavez, the funding of the Vene zuelan opposition
through the National Endowment for Democracy, and the
assassination of revolutionary leaders like Danilo
Anderson.
It is the task of every revolutionary to defend the
righteous struggle of our sisters and brothers in the Colombian
insurgency and the Bolivarian Revolution, even as we oppose the
imperialist war in Iraq and everywhere.
Reprinted from the Dec. 16, 2004, issue of
Workers World newspaper
This article is copyright under a Creative
Commons License.
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011
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