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Victories for lesbian, gay, bi, trans movement

Pride on the march

By Leslie Feinberg
New York

As marchers passed the site of the 1969 Stonewall Uprising in Greenwich Village here June 29, hundreds of thousands strong, the crowds and cheers swelled and so did the sense of pride. Hundreds of thousands more lined the sidewalks to applaud--from Central Park in the middle of Manhattan island to the Village.

Thirty-four years ago it was those who had the least to lose and the most to gain from fighting back who engaged the police in hand-to-hand combat, forcing the well-armed cops to retreat. They were Black, Latina and white, transgender and transsexual, gay and lesbian, and many homeless youths. The rebellion lasted for four hot June nights running.

This year marchers arrived at the site in far greater numbers and diversity, filled to the brim with pride in struggle, knowing that coast to coast and around the world millions more were marching together--a vast contingent of humanity demanding an end to bigotry, discrimination and repression based on sexuality, gender and sex.

From San Francisco to New York, Houston to Chicago--and in cities and towns in between--everyone had the sweet taste of victory on their lips as they chanted and sang and cheered. This year's Pride was a celebration of victories, here and around the world, that are high-water marks in the long struggle for equality and liberation of the gay and lesbian, trans and bisexual population.

"Decriminalized" read the T-shirts of some who marched in New York, referring to the June 26 Supreme Court decision that effectively erases the last anti-"sodomy" decrees from state laws.

As word of the long-fought-for triumph had spread that day, victory rallies--planned and spontaneous--were held in cities, towns and campuses across the United States. This was the biggest political mobilization since the outpouring after the lynching of Matthew Shepard, a young gay man, in October 1998.

The ruling wrung from the Supreme Court is not the only news to roar about.

When General Electric--owner of NBC television network--announced June 19 that the company's new union contracts will include health-care coverage for employees' same-sex domestic partners, it became the 64th Fortune 100 company to do so. Shop-floor pressure and leadership by groups like Pride At Work, the LGBT constituency group of the AFL-CIO, have made winning these benefits a top priority.

Full marriage rights between two people of the same sex became a legal reality in Ontario, Canada, on June 10.

And on June 30, the British government announced a proposal for "civil partnerships" that would grant to same-sex couples who register in civil ceremonies many of the legal rights that heterosexual couples automatically receive from the state. If passed by Parliament, this would include pension and property rights and respect for next-of-kin rights in hospitals. It's still a parallel legal system that sidesteps the right to marry and allows the state to avoid locking horns with Christian church hierarchies. But it's a major step toward equality and will undoubtedly encourage the movement to press forward.

Legal recognition of same-sex partnerships has already been won in nine other European countries: the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Belgium, Portugal, France, Germany and Spain.

These hard-won reforms further isolate the U.S. government in the world arena. It is already having trouble justifying the racist use of the death penalty; the incarceration of more than 2 million people, disproportionately people of color; mass roundups of Arabs, Muslims and South Asians; the trampling of civil liberties; the establishment of a military concentration camp in Pentagon-occupied Guantana mo; leaks about torture; rampant domestic police brutality; and flagrant disregard for the self-determination and sovereignty of oppressed nations within the United States and abroad.

No wonder they're having a hard time these days talking about their "leadership of the free world."

Que viva Puerto Rico libre!

Just days before the U.S. Supreme Court ruling was handed down, a very significant victory was won in the Americas. The Puerto Rican legislature beat the U.S. Supreme Court to the punch in removing the anti-gay laws from its books.

That statute had been established in 1898 when U.S. imperialism seized the island as a colonial "possession." It was a carbon copy of a California edict at that time.

Many of the anti-gay penal codes on the books today in parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America are 19th-century colonial laws imposed by the United States and Britain.

The British mercilessly persecuted indig enous sexualities and genders in early colonial Zimbabwe, Uganda and other colonized countries. Kenya's penal code dates back to the era of iron-fisted British colonial rule. It's a copy of a law finally repealed in Britain in 1967.

There are many examples of persecution of indigenous peoples considered sex-variant or gender-variant by the Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas, and in what became the United States as it expanded westward. Nicaragua adopted an anti-gay law after the CIA-backed forces fighting the Sandinista government came to power in 1990.

This was all part of cultural genocide and colonial subjugation.

As part of its national liberation movement, the African National Congress publicly made clear its support for lesbian/gay rights as early as 1986. Support for lesbians and gays has been part of the South African Constitution since 1994, after it overthrew apartheid.

'Health care, not warfare!'

This is all especially important now because the war-makers in Washington and London try to put a "liberation" spin on their drive for empire. Before the war against Afghanistan, articles appeared in U.S. and British mainstream monopoly media and even in LGBT presses trying to justify the impending war by pointing out that the Taliban was anti-gay and oppressive toward women.

This argument emanated from Wash ing ton, which had armed and supported the same fundamentalist forces in the 1980s to overthrow a democratic secular revolution in Afghanistan. Later, some of its allies turned against Wash ington when it left them high and dry after that war ended. The current Bush administration launched a new "endless" war, first against fundamentalists in Afghan istan and then against a secular regime in Iraq.

A left-wing current emerged in the LGBT movement that wasn't fooled by Washington's claims of "liberation." Rain bow flags snapped in the wind at the huge ANSWER anti-war protests across the United States and in massive demonstrations around the world.

This June, contingents marched under the banner "No pride in racism, war and occupation" in Pride events in cities large and small in the United States.

"We want education, not occupation," "Money for AIDS, not for war," activists chanted.

Regime change? Start with White House!

If having an anti-gay ruler as head of state is the basis for regime change, Pre sident-non-elect George W. Bush should be the first one booted out. But by an independent movement from below, not by pulling the lever for a Democrat.

The Republican Party claims about 25 percent of LGBT voters, which may or may not be true. Of course, many, many people throughout this country--including many in the LGBT movement--are disenchanted with electoral politics and don't vote at all. But at this year's New York Pride march, when members of the Log Cabin Republican Club threw handfuls of their party's buttons to the crowds along the route of march, many onlookers threw them right back.

However, many elected officials from the Democratic Party took the microphone at the June 26 victory rallies to claim that the Supreme Court ruling was a gift from the Clinton administration and proved the need to organize the movement for a Democratic victory in 2004.

However, that's a distortion of the facts. Only two of the nine justices on the current bench are Clinton appointees. This ruling came from a court in which seven of the judges were appointed by Republi cans--six of them by Ronald Reagan and Bush Sr.

This same court narrowly upheld affirmative action in a June 23 decision.

What all this proves is that the mass struggle is decisive, not which capitalist party is in power.

The landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education desegregation ruling came from a Supreme Court led by Earl Warren--a Republican who as California attorney general had been responsible for the decision to intern Japanese people in concentration camps during World War II.

The court that ruled on Roe v. Wade, legalizing abortion in 1973, had six Repub lican appointees--four of them Nixon picks. Five of the Republicans voted to legalize abortion. Of the two justices who voted against, one was a Kennedy appointee.

In both periods, the court bowed to intense mass pressure from below.

As an election year looms, it's worth remembering that President Bill Clinton signed the anti-LGBT "Defense of Mar riage Act" to block the right of same-sex marriage. Clinton caved in to the brass on "don't ask, don't tell." Vice President Al Gore acted as point person for the pharmaceutical giants' lawsuit against the South African government, trying to prevent it from producing generic medications to treat the AIDS pandemic.

During Clinton's eight years, more than 1 million Iraqi civilians died as a result of economic sanctions--an illegal act of war.

Today the Democrats and Republicans together have rubber stamped the endless war for empire, cut taxes for the already unimaginably wealthy, and sent vitally needed social services down the chute.

Underneath it all is a persistent and intensifying capitalist economic crisis that is making the ruling class more ruthless and the working class and oppressed peoples of the world more sorely burdened.

Current attempts in Congress to amend the Constitution to ban same-sex marriage are meant to deflect anger from the capitalist system that is the source of such poverty and repression.

But a grassroots struggle, invigorated and emboldened by its victories, can push back this and every other attempt to demonize and discriminate. Such a movement can not only defend gains, but widen them.

This movement finds its power not in a ballot but in voting with its many feet in an independent direction, marching toward liberation shoulder-to-shoulder with all who are fighting a common enemy.

That's the spirit of Stonewall.

Reprinted from the July 10, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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