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WHY REPARATIONS?

A look inside U.S. prisons

By Greg Butterfield

"In order for capitalism to continue to rule, any action that threatens the right of a few individuals to own and control public property must be prohibited and curtailed, whatever the cost in resources, whatever the cost in blood."

--George Jackson,
"Blood in My Eye"

What's the relationship between the growing struggle for Black reparations and the plight of African American political prisoners and others in U.S. jails?

What about the more than 1,000 Arab and South Asian people detained after Sept. 11? Many of them were deported without trial or disappeared into the U.S. prison system. Do they have a connection to the reparations struggle?

The continued persecution of political prisoners shows concretely how the U.S. capitalist ruling class and government continue to deny the basic demands for Black freedom, and repress people who give voice to those demands.

Today the movement for reparations is targeting monopoly capitalists whose fortunes were built on the unpaid labor of African slaves. A generation ago, movements of Black people and other people of color challenged the capitalist system and its right to go on robbing and oppressing those whose ancestors built this country.

In the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s the FBI used Cointelpro--the Counter Intelligence Program--to spy on, divide and smash civil-rights, Black liberation and other progressive movements.

Cointelpro was responsible for frame-ups, false testimony and snitching against supporters of these movements. It was responsible for jailing many of those identified as political prisoners today.

Under other names, this program has continued to the present day. It was strengthened by the "USA Patriot Act" passed in the aftermath of Sept. 11.

It's not just a case of the government keeping those it has held for 20 or 30 years under lock and key. Political frame-ups are still going on--like the recent murder conviction of Imam Jamil Al-Amin (H. Rap Brown) in Atlanta.

The Jericho Movement, established by former political prisoners to fight for the freedom of those still behind the walls, currently lists 54 known political prisoners on its Web site. Many were members of groups like the Black Panther Party, the Black Liberation Army, the Young Lords Party and the American Indian Movement.

There are also thousands more who became political activists after being jailed, just as Malcolm X and George Jackson once did. The bloated Texas death row is a source of many political prisoners of this type. Those who become politicized in prison often pay the price of being denied parole or face new, trumped-up charges.

Many argue that all poor and working-class people in U.S. jails are really political prisoners of this racist and class-divided system.

The growth of the highly profitable prison-industrial complex gives even more weight to this broad definition. As other areas of the economy contract, it becomes a matter of economic and political urgency to jail more and more people for crimes of survival, or for no crime at all.

Evidence or politics?

Mumia Abu-Jamal is probably the best-known U.S. political prisoner. This former Black Panther leader from Philadelphia became a renowned activist-journalist, but never stopped being a target for the FBI and local police. He was framed for the murder of a white cop in 1981 and sent to death row.

If it were simply a matter of law or evidence, Abu-Jamal would be walking free today. His trial was an unconstitutional sham. The evidence of his innocence, and of police tampering and intimidation of witnesses, has grown year by year.

For the rich and powerful beneficiaries of capitalism and white supremacy, Abu-Jamal's case isn't about guilt or innocence. It's about setting an example. If you resist, they are saying, we could put you on death row next.

But if their plan was to use Abu-Jamal's case to spread fear and passivity, they've failed miserably.

Far from being demoralized, Abu-Jamal has continued to resist every threat against his life and every petty harassment by his jailers. His articles and statements have played a pivotal role in educating a whole generation of activists about the nature of U.S. prisons, racism, imperialism and the right to fight back.

Abu-Jamal and his supporters have used his case to spotlight abuses of the legal system. He has helped make the United States an international pariah for its racist use of the death penalty.

Last December a federal judge struck down Abu-Jamal's death sentence--but not his conviction--on a technicality. The judge refused to consider the overwhelming evidence of his innocence. A recent U.S. Supreme Court decision cast doubts over that ruling, and Abu-Jamal has not been removed from death row.

In July, two longtime political prisoners--Black activist Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom) of the New York 3 and ailing Native warrior Leonard Peltier--were denied parole.

Six Puerto Rican political prisoners and prisoners of war remain in U.S. jails for the "crime" of demanding independence and reparations for their homeland, the world's last official colony.

The MOVE 9, two of the Angola 3, Sundiata Acoli, Marilyn Buck, Marshall Eddie Conway, Mutulu Shakur, Eddie Hatcher, and dozens more remain imprisoned, though their spirits of struggle are unbroken.

Long campaigns have won some significant victories in recent years. In 1999, 11 Puerto Rican activists were finally released. Black Panther Geronimo Ji jaga Pratt was freed in 1997 after more than a quarter-century in jail.

But for every Ramona Africa or Safiya Bukhari who has won her freedom, there are also casualties like Albert Nuh Washington and Merle Africa, who died still fighting for justice behind bars. Others are forced to live in exile, like Assata Shakur.

Among the recent detainees of Arab and South Asian descent are Palestinian political activists like the recently released Jaoudat Abouazza. A U.S. citizen, Abdullah al Muhajir (Jose Padilla), has been held for months without charges.

What will happen if the United States goes to war with Iraq? If parents whose children--Black, Latin, white, etc.--have been sent off to war dare to protest, will Bush and Ashcroft start rounding them up?

The struggles for reparations and political prisoners are really one and the same. Both are struggles against the national oppression and class exploitation engendered by capitalism. The intersection and unity of these movements will strengthen them and help them to grow.

To learn more about political prisoners, visit the Web sites www.millions4mumia.org, www.jerichomovement.com and www.freepeltier.org.

Reprinted from the Aug. 22, 2002, issue of Workers World newspaper
This article is copyrighted under a Creative Commons License.
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