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Office of Strategic Influence

Big Lie exposé bites Bush, Rumsfeld

By Leslie Feinberg

The Big Lie. It was the combustible octane that fueled the Nazi propaganda machine. Joseph Goebbels, Minister of Propaganda and Popular Enlightenment for the Third Reich, broadcast it through radio waves, newspapers, pamphlets and loudspeakers.

Today it's the brass hats in the Pentagon war room who want to harness every high-tech medium to propagate painstakingly manufactured lies across the oceans.

It's not as though the CIA or the Army Psychological Operations Command hadn't done a damn good job of planting prevarication all over the planet in recent decades. And Wall Street and its top guns have come up with some pretty creative pretexts for war since U.S. capitalism combatively expanded beyond its borders in 1898. From the sinking of the Maine to the Gulf of Tonkin, a lot of thought has obviously gone into marketing the economic drive behind warfare as defensive actions.

But Dubya's war-without-end is a tough sell. The ill-defined "enemy" is whoever the president and his big business cohorts point their finger at next.

So "Operation Endless Warfare" requires an unparalleled propaganda operation beamed 'round the world. Hence, the recently formed Office of Strategic Influence.

This ominous agency with an Orwellian title was created, putatively in November, to disseminate the Big Lie so widely that it would have made Goebbels slaver.

Its hush-hush, sky's-the-limit operating budget is drawn from the $10-billion emergency bonus to the Pentagon mega-budget that both parties in Congress rubber-stamped after 9/11. The OSI staff--15 hand-picked misinformation specialists--would coordinate this war of words with the National Security Council, all the instruments of the Department of Defense, the State Department and other federal agencies.

The OSI also has been working hand-in-hand with the new counter-terrorism office in the White House run by retired Gen. Wayne Downing--former head of the Special Operations command that directs the military's covert information operations.

The Army "psy-op" command is one of the military units assigned to carry out the policy mission.

To lend a hand, the State Department hired a former advertising executive to run its public diplomacy office, and the White House has set up a public information "war room."

The Pentagon also brought on board the Rendon Group--an international consulting firm based in the Beltway--at reported remuneration of $100,000 a month. John W. Rendon Jr., who heads the firm, advised Jimmy Carter's successful race to the White House. Since then, the CIA has funneled jobs his way. Rendon Group ran a PR job to "sell" the Gulf War against Iraq to neighboring Arab countries.

The OSI intends to employ other private companies to develop propaganda and test its effectiveness, using techniques the Republicans and Democrats use for their election battles, including scientific polling and focus groups.

No expense is being spared. Pretense for war must be, above all, believable.

A fly in the ointment

But these best-laid plans may have gone somewhat astray. The administration disavowed the project after an apprehensive New York Times editorial board decided to leak the existence and objectives of this centralized apparatus in a Feb. 18 lead front-page article.

The Times revealed that "One of the office's proposals calls for planting news items with foreign media organizations through outside concerns that might not have obvious ties to the Pentagon, officials familiar with the proposal said."

The secret information warfare is aimed at U.S. allies, not just those countries the Pentagon deems "hostile." As one can imagine, they're hopping mad.

The language of "intelligence" has always been redolent with racism. Air Force Brig. Gen. Simon P. Worden, who heads the OSI, characterizes the worst lies as "black" and other covert activities as "white." According to a senior Pentagon official quoted in the Times, the broad mission of the OSI "goes from the blackest of black to the whitest of white."

Another plan, the Times continued, "involves sending journalists, civil leaders and foreign leaders email messages that promote American views or attack unfriendly governments, officials said." These emails would be disguised with a civilian dot.com address, not a Pentagon dot.mil.

The Times gave voice to dissension in the ranks of the military establishment about whether they can get away with the scheme. None of those quoted were fretting about using mendacity to justify wars for profit. The debate orbited around a narrower axis: Will Pentagon credibility erode if war hawks "cry Wolfowitz" too often?

The Times article said senior military officials "have questioned whether the OSI mission is too broad and possibly even illegal." Laws technically hamper the Pentagon and CIA from sowing propaganda inside the United States. But they know that once it's injected into the arteries of the world media, there's no way to keep it from circulating back into the domestic news industry.

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, the Times added, had already lawyered up, asking Pentagon top attorney William J. Haynes to review the OSI proposals.

The Times also noted that critics say "they are disturbed that a single office might be authorized to use not only covert operations like computer network attacks, psychological activities and deception, but also the instruments and staff of the military's globe-spanning public affairs apparatus."

Once the Times blew the lid on the project, defense officials and politicians all the way up to Bush scrambled to distance themselves from the centralized operation. They were all "shocked" that anyone could suggest that the U.S. could or would lie.

Rumsfeld hustled to control the damage and cover his tracks. On Feb. 20, the DOD released a statement from him on its web page: "Government officials, the Department of Defense, this secretary and the people that work with me tell the American people and the people of the world the truth. And to the extent anyone says anything that at any time proves to have been not accurate, they correct it at the earliest possible opportunity. The charter of the [OSI] is still under development. However, consistent with Defense Department policy, under no circumstances will the office or its contractors knowingly or deliberately disseminate false information to the American or foreign media or publics."

Is he auditioning for a job at the OSI down the road? After the Times exposé, Rumsfeld swore on the Feb. 24 NBC News program "Meet the Press" that he had "never even seen the charter for this office."

The following day the Times skewered him. It quoted OSI Assistant for Operations Thomas A. Timmes--former Army colonel and psy-ops officer--telling "a recent industry conference that General Worden had briefed Mr. Rumsfeld on the purpose and goals of the office at least twice, and that Mr. Rumsfeld had given his general support."

With public beams of light illuminating this secret project, Bush has formally, officially put the kibosh on it. (New York Times, Feb. 26)

They'll all have to figure out a quieter way to carry out the same goal.

No news is not good news

Reports of a U.S. blueprint to dupe its allies clearly could not have played well in Reuters or French Press Agency newsrooms. These big-business news bureaus, and the overall ruling interests they serve, want to be a party to the weapons of propaganda, not the bull's eye.

But perhaps those who took greatest umbrage were in the U.S. news industry.

After all, haven't the anchor people and reporters pretty much held their tongues and their typing about the mass disappearing and detentions of unknown numbers of Arabs and Asians in this country since Sept. 11?

Haven't they aided and abetted the racist profiling in "trials by media" that bear no resemblance to the Perry Mason television fiction of "innocent until proven guilty"? Newsprint and sound bites assured the public there was an "airtight case" against Algerian pilot Lotfi Raissi. The monopoly media claimed he had been "lead trainer of the Sept. 11 hijackers." It's not their fault that a London extradition court dropped charges against Raissi on Feb. 14 due to lack of even a shred of evidence provided by U.S. intelligence.

Won't the peddling of outright invention irreparably tarnish their profession? Didn't Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld--whom television and newspapers and magazines made into a star in Pentagon war briefings about Afghanistan--promise just two weeks after the Sept. 11 attacks never to lie to reporters? (Reuters, Feb. 19)

And when it turned out that U.S. bombers really did massacre Afghani civilians and pound their villages and cities to rubble, didn't editors here march to the orders of military officials about when and what to print or not to print?

What do they have to show for their servile obedience? Maureen Dowd writes in a Feb. 24 Times Op-Ed piece, "Military reporters say they are more handcuffed now than during Desert Storm. They have had only the most restricted and supervised access to Special Operations units. Even reporters who went to Afghanistan with the Marines found themselves quarantined in warehouses and handed press releases from Central Command in Tampa about casualties less than 100 yards away. Some who got close to the action had film confiscated and guns pointed at them by Special Operations soldiers or their mujahadeen bullies."

Dowd adds that more journalists have died in Afghanistan than the official number of GIs killed in combat there.

New 'theater' of war

And now, to add insult to injury, top Pentagon officials are bypassing war correspondents by planning to air a ghoulish "Survivor" made-for-television series. The 13-episode "reality" program will star 60 soldiers in their own war movie made with digital cameras.

In other words, Dowd complains, "The White House and the Pentagon want to write the narrative of the war on terror, and they are willing to use their own soldiers as cameramen and actors in comic book versions of a messy, dirty war."

One ABC News executive complains that news reporters have nagged the brass for months for "bare-bones access" to the war, only to see "Pentagon officials roll out the camouflage carpet now for ABC's entertainment division." (New York Times, Feb. 24)

An entertainment bigwig adds the Pentagon is eager to produce this "Army recruiting film."

Dan Rather is fuming: "I'm outraged about the Hollywoodization of the military. Somebody's got to question whether it's a good idea to limit independent reporting on the battlefield and access of journalists to U.S. military personnel and then conspire with Hollywood."

Actually there's a militarization of Hollywood going on at the same time. "Black Hawk Down." "Collateral Damage." Big capital in Hollywood is looking to work hand-in-glove with the Pentagon to make movies that enlist patriotism and soldiers. According to a front-page article in the Dec. 23 New York Times, industry moguls have formed Hollywood 9/11 to make the "war on terrorism" into Blockbuster epics.

One hand washes the other. The Navy gave Jerry Bruckheimer--producer of "Top Gun" and "Black Hawk Down"--one of its aircraft carriers on which to hold the glittering premier bash for the movie "Pearl Harbor." Now Bruckheimer and Bertram van Munster--of the "Cops" television show infamy--have been recruited by the Pentagon to make a TV docudrama about the "war on terrorism."

Bruckheimer said his staged television program about GIs in Afghanistan would not usurp war correspondents' access because "Reporters are after breaking news. We're doing profiles."

Shouldn't these reporters be so angry that they'd lean out the nearest window and shout, "I'm mad as hell and I'm not going to take it any more"? But the media organizations are careful to keep their criticism circumspect.

Surely there must be discomfort in the summits of the military-industrial complex about the possibility of losing the loyalty of print and television journalists. The business and military elite certainly got a taste of the power of the capitalist media when the Times bared the intent of the OSI.

These reporters and news executives--and the politicians and defense officials--are up in arms publicly about the proposed mandate of the Office of Strategic Influence. But they do not air substantive disagreement with the overall objectives of the burgeoning U.S. war drive itself. They disagree on tactics, not on overall strategic goals.

Nor does it seem there is enough dissension over Bush's war plans in the top echelons of capitalist society at this time to produce another "Pentagon Papers"--the DOD analysis of the Vietnam War, showing consistent deception of the people, that was published by the New York Times in 1971.

If the brass in the Pentagon war room have their way, their lies will sprint around the globe while the truth is still lacing its sneakers. That's not news.

Afraid you can't believe anything you read? Worried that the information you're being force-fed with morning coffee and evening meals could win a Pulitzer Prize for fiction?

Be skeptical--and keep reading this newspaper.

Reprinted from the March 7, 2002, issue of Workers World newspaper

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