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Testimony reveals evidence of frame-up

Former Black Panther could face execution

By Dianne Mathiowetz
Atlanta

The state of Georgia is expected to finish presenting its case against Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin on March 4. For two weeks Fulton County prosecutors have argued that Al-Amin shot a sheriff and wounded another officer on March 16, 2000.

Al-Amin has declared his innocence. If convicted, he could face the death sentence.

Supporters of Al-Amin have filled the courtroom each day. Coretta Scott King issued a statement urging that the inconsistencies in the state's case be thoroughly examined and that Al-Amin's presumption of innocence and right to a fair trial be upheld.

His lawyers assert that police agencies rushed to judgment that Al-Amin was guilty based on his political views and religious affiliation. The defense plans to expose the police investigation as flawed and limited.

Al-Amin has charged the government with conspiracy to frame him up.

During the turbulent civil rights and Black liberation movements of the 1960s and 1970s, Jamil Al-Amin--known then as H. Rap Brown--was one of the most inspiring young leaders of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee. He was in the forefront of the struggle to win voting rights and economic and political power for extraordinarily oppressed Black people in the South. Brown organized in rural White Hall, Ala., facing constant death threats from racist elements like the Ku Klux Klan.

His every move was monitored as part of the infamous COINTELPRO, a government counter-intelligence program carried out by J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI to undermine and destroy movements for social change.

Al-Amin was uncompromising in his opposition to the Vietnam War. He called on young Black men to refuse to fight in an imperialist war and encouraged them instead to battle racism at home.

Al-Amin recognized that the dramatic infusion of drugs into the African American community was, like COINTELPRO, an attempt to immobilize the community, create division and suspicion, and thus maintain the domination of a racist, corporate elite.

In 1967, Al-Amin was wounded in an assassination attempt in Cambridge, Md. He was later charged with inciting a riot in an incident caused by police brutality. After two of his associates in SNCC were murdered in a car bombing in Cambridge in 1970, Al-Amin went underground. Placed on the FBI's "most wanted" list, he successfully eluded capture for 17 months before being arrested in New York City. He was charged with attempted robbery and sentenced to prison.

While in prison, he converted to Islam and changed his name to Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin.

Nothing to pin on him

Following his release, Al-Amin moved to Atlanta in 1976. There he opened a community store and established a mosque in the West End neighborhood. He continued his campaign against drugs, organized neighborhood patrols and initiated youth programs.

Al-Amin was a thorn in the side of the drug and prostitution kingpins, slum landlords and corrupt and brutal cops.

He was recognized in the Muslim religious community and served as a national and international clerical leader. He is an influential voice for Islam whose leadership and record of community service appealed to a broad range of people.

Over the last 20 years, federal and local police agencies have maintained their surveillance of Al-Amin, going so far as to pay informants to infiltrate his mosque to try to entrap him in some illegal activity.

They have investigated him for a wide range of crimes, including gunrunning and murder. All these efforts failed to find any evidence of wrongdoing.

Then, on the night of March 16, 2000, two Fulton County sheriffs were sent to arrest Al-Amin for failure to appear in a suburban Cobb County court on one-year-old charges stemming from a traffic stop.

Sheriff Ricky Kinchen was mortally wounded and Aldranon English severely injured in a shoot-out in front of Al-Amin's store.

Revelations from
the witness stand

Court testimony reveals that Sheriff English has given four sworn accounts of the episode, each varying dramatically in details as to the location and description of the assailant. In all versions, however, he said the man who shot him had gray eyes and was wounded by police fire. The mortally wounded Sheriff Kinchen also said before he died that he had shot the assailant.

Al-Amin has dark brown eyes and was uninjured when arrested.

Atlanta police claimed on the stand that there was no "trail of blood" leading from the scene. For four days after the shooting, however, every media outlet talked about a blood trail police followed to a nearby vacant house. Once Al-Amin was captured and found to be unharmed, the "trail of blood" suddenly never existed or was written off as dried animal blood.

Atlanta police officers who arrived within minutes of the shooting testified in court that they did not secure the crime scene. The police claim their failure to do so accounts for the fact that the locations of the bullet shell casings in the street don't match any of English's accounts of the shoot-out.

Court testimony also exposed that the same police officer who showed English a photo of Al-Amin for identification as the suspect, within hours of English coming out of surgery, falsely filled out the paperwork to get a search warrant for Al-Amin's home and store.

Sgt. Scott Bennett stated in the warrant request, filed several days after the shoot-out, that because of the blood trail police needed to look for soiled clothing or other indications of injury at Al-Amin's property. Police found no such evidence but they did remove records and computer equipment. Bennett has now testified that although he had no knowledge of a blood trail, he swore to its existence in order to get the search warrant.

And in sworn testimony, FBI agent Ron Campbell admitted that after Al-Amin's arrest in Alabama, the agent kicked and spat on a handcuffed and prone Al-Amin, calling him a "cop-killer."

Judge Stephanie Manis refused to allow defense attorneys to question Campbell about a 1995 Philadelphia case in which he shot a person in the back of the head, claiming the man had a gun.

Reprinted from the March 14, 2002, issue of Workers World newspaper

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