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Bush 'doctrine' paves the way

Israel launches assault on Palestinian Authority

By Fred Goldstein

The latest attacks on the Palestinian people by the Israeli government can only be understood in the context of the worldwide wave of reaction stirred up by the U.S. government in the wake of the Sept. 11 disaster. The so-called Bush doctrine of "You are either with us or them" is the new framework that right-wing, adventurist forces in Washington, in and out of the government, rally around.

In the White House and the Pentagon this "doctrine" means that everyone who resists U.S. military domination, U.S. corporate and financial control, and Washington's control over the strategic regions of the globe--is "them."

In Tel Aviv this battle cry has been gladly taken up by the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon and converted into a justification to carry out new aggression aimed at further weakening, if not destroying, the Palestinian national movement. In this endeavor, the right wing of the Israeli ruling class has been strongly encouraged by growing support in the summits of power in Washington.

Israeli offensive aimed at Palestinian Authority

In the wake of the Hamas suicide bombings in Jerusalem and Haifa--which had been in retaliation for the assassination of Mahmoud Abu Hanoud, a Hamas leader on the West Bank--the Israeli Defense Forces have opened up an offensive of selective destruction aimed at the Palestinian Authority and its chair, Yasser Arafat. This offensive is also aimed at terrorizing the Palestinian people and all resistance forces while promoting a civil war within the Palestinian national movement.

On Dec. 3 Israeli helicopters used missiles and machinegun fire to destroy three helicopters stationed near Arafat's home in Gaza City. Israeli planes bombed positions in the West Bank town of Jenin. The next day Israeli troops and tanks moved into Ramallah, taking up positions 200 yards from Arafat's headquarters. Later in the day Israeli helicopters fired missiles into the Palestinian Interior Ministry building, close to Arafat's headquarters. He was there at the time but was unhurt.

Missiles were also fired into the Khan Yunis refugee camp in southern Gaza and into the West Bank towns of Tul Karm, Qalqilyah and Salfit. The towns of Nablus and Ramallah are in areas under Palestinian control, but Israeli forces entered them. There were numerous other acts of Israeli aggression--and more are planned.

Meanwhile, the capitalist media stepped right into service. There was round-the-clock coverage of the 25 innocent civilians killed in the Hamas bombings in Jerusalem and Haifa. There was no mention of the 80 Palestinian leaders who have been assassinated in the 14 months of the present Intifada uprising against the occupation. There was no mention of the hundreds of innocent, unarmed Palestinian men, women and children killed or wounded during this period.

The media did not tell the people of the U.S. about the 200,000 olive trees destroyed by the Israeli army over the last 14 months, the principal crop for poor Palestinians. CNN did not give round-the-clock coverage to the hundreds of homes bulldozed; to the schools closed; to the people unable to travel even to a doctor in case of illness or for employment because they are barred from roads reserved for Israelis or because they are not allowed through checkpoints staffed by the IDF for so-called "security" reasons.

The West Bank alone is separated into 220 little disconnected areas by military checkpoints.

The real suffering and oppression of Palestinians--who live with 60 percent unemployment and a 70 percent poverty rate, defined as less than $2 a day--has been deliberately concealed. One million Palestinians are confined to only 17 percent of the land of the occupied territories. The rest is occupied by 400,000 Israeli settlers, who get the best land, the most water and all the privileges of occupiers. Furthermore, they are armed and carry out vigilante justice against the Palestinians.

Palestinians view Israeli occupation as terrorism

There is no way to comprehend the suicide bombings in Jerusalem without understanding the occupation that has gone on for 53 years--ever since the Israelis expelled 870,000 Palestinians from their homeland by force and created a refugee population that not only wants an end to the brutal occupation but yearns to return to its rightful homeland.

From the Palestinian perspective, the regime in Tel Aviv is a "terrorist entity," heavily armed with $3 billion a year worth of Pentagon weapons and ammunition. Yet Sharon ordered these attacks after having the Israeli cabinet declare the Palestinian Authority a "terrorist entity" and declaring the Hamas bombings an "act of war." This declaration, put in the language of the Bush administration, came 24 hours after Sharon had a one-hour meeting with Bush in the Oval Office.

The timing of this latest sequence of events is highly significant.

As Washington was anticipating victory in the war in Afghanistan, it felt the need to begin building political support for the next phase of the war. There was mounting pressure inside the administration to make some gesture in the direction of moderating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

On Nov. 19 Secretary of State Colin Powell made a highly touted policy speech in which the Bush administration reversed its position of "hands off" diplomacy--which had really meant, let the Israelis do as much damage to the Palestinian struggle as possible without any interference from Washington.

In this speech Powell announced that he had appointed a delegation to go to the region to get the "peace process" going again. This delegation consisted of a highly prestigious Mideast career diplomat, former Assistant Secretary of State William Burns, as well as retired Gen. Anthony Zinni, former head of the Central Command in the Middle East and Central Asia. This post is now held by Gen. Tommy Franks, who is running the war against Afghanistan.

In this speech Powell spoke of a Palestinian state, of an end to the occupation, of freezing the settlements, and of sharing Jerusalem. But he also laid down the preconditions being put forward by the Sharon government for any talks-namely, that the Palestinian Authority make arrests and put an end to the resistance. A period of nonviolence by the Palestinians was a precondition for negotiations.

To make the speech as appealing as possible to the Arab audience, however, he spoke of an end to the suffering of Palestinian children and innocent civilians.

Killing of children followed by assassination

Two days after the Powell speech, five Palestinians boys walking to school were killed by a booby-trap bomb planted by the Israeli Army in the refugee camp of Khan Yunis in the Gaza Strip. At first the IDF denied responsibility for the attack, but later admitted it after an investigation was threatened.

The following day, Israeli helicopters fired missiles into a van on a West Bank road killing Hamas leader Mahmoud Abu Hanoud and two people with him. This was guaranteed to bring about retaliation on the eve of the Zinni-Burns trip.

In case the assassination was not enough, on the same day the IDF killed a 15-year-old boy and wounded six others at the funeral for the five boys killed the day before in Khan Yunis.

In the view of the Alternative Information Center, a Palestinian-Israeli organization based in Israel, "The summary execution of the Hamas military commander ... ordered by the Israeli government was clearly timed to coincide with the arrival to the region of the American envoys, led by Gen. Anthony Zinni. Israel's assassination of Abu Hanoud crowned a bloody week in which more than 14 Palestinians were killed, among them five children, six Palestinians were assassinated and hundreds of houses were damaged."

The dispatch continued, "the execution ... was an attempt to establish a new reality that will make the envoys' task impossible to implement."

Sharon's offensive had to have support in Washington

To understand this event as strictly the right-wing Israeli regime taking advantage of a situation that fell into its hands would be to overlook the role of the U.S. government and the factions within it at the moment.

The Sharon regime is aiming its blows at the Palestinian Authority, trying to cripple it and put it completely on the defensive. It is trying to make the climate impossible for any sort of negotiations, whether for minimal concessions or even for show. It has reflexive, historical hostility to any form of discussion about justice for the Palestinians. It wants to concentrate on destroying the movement. It feels it has the upper hand with Bush's "war on terrorism" behind it.

But it is difficult to conceive that in the midst of a world-wide diplomatic military offensive by the U.S. government, even the Sharon government, brash as it is, could carry out the assassination of a Hamas leader without some support at the highest levels in Washington. This is particularly clear in that it took place on the eve of a visit by an important U.S. delegation to initiate a new phase of U.S. diplomacy, calculated to placate the European imperialists and the Arab regimes.

This is the first time that the Israelis have launched such a massive military retaliation without the U.S. president calling for "restraint" on both sides. It is always possible that Bush will get around to it, if things go too far. But enough damage has already been done. It took Bush almost a whole day before he spoke on the Israeli attack. But when he did, he clearly came down on the side of those who wanted the delegation to fail.

On the Dec. 2 Sunday NBC talk show Meet the Press, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld was asked by Tim Russert, "Do you think Yasser Arafat is a terrorist?"

Rumsfeld replied: "I think that Yasser Arafat has-it's not for me to characterize him, but if one looks historically, he has been involved in terrorist activities. We all know that. That's been his background. "

This is the line of Ariel Sharon. Now, according to the Bush doctrine and applied by Rumsfeld, Arafat is an enemy-a "terrorist."

But Rumsfeld, who represents the right wing in the Pentagon and is in the faction that is pushing for war on Iraq, was also asked by Russert, "Will we insist, demand, that Saddam Hussein allow in the United Nations inspectors to find out just how developed his biological, chemical and perhaps nuclear weapons systems are?"

Russert was mouthing Bush's most recent demands for weapons inspectors to reenter Iraq, which the president had enunciated in his Rose Garden interview the previous week. Rumsfeld replied: "Now that's a call the president and the secretary of state are going to have to consider. The reality is that we had inspectors in Iraq for many years, and we didn't find much."

In short, Rumsfeld does not think much of Bush's demanding inspectors in Iraq. He did not pick up on the president's demand at all. His grouping, including Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, and a large grouping of former military and government officials, consider the struggle for inspections as a potential diplomatic morass which would only slow the momentum towards war.

It is this grouping that is growing in strength and feeding off the war against Afghanistan. Their mentality about the world at large now happens to overlap with the mentality of the right wing in Israel, making this offensive against the Palestinian people possible for Sharon.

The attacks on the Palestinians--even if the Israelis are forced to pull back eventually--are being supported by the Bush administration for the moment as part of the renewed struggle to build a New World Order where all forms of resistance to imperialism and oppression are considered "terrorism."

Reprinted from the Dec. 13, 2001, issue of Workers World newspaper

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