Workers.org

Support
anti-war,
anti-racist
news

:: Donate now ::


Email this articleEmail this article 

Print this pagePrintable page


Email the editor

 

Who is Otto Reich?

Bush pick has Nicaraguan blood on his hands

By G. Dunkel

The Bush administration has proposed the nomination of Otto J. Reich as assistant secretary of state for the Western Hemisphere. They must feel they need a skilled propagandist and covert-action expert to handle the hot crisis in Colombia and the emerging struggles in Ecuador, Argentina and Mexico.

Reich is a Cuban exile who made it big in the business world, peddling his influence as a public relations expert. Bacardi-Martini paid him $600,000 after he got a provision into the Helms-Burton Act allowing the company to sue its foreign competitors in U.S. courts for doing business with Cuba--an extra twist in tightening the embargo.

He also worked on getting Lockheed permission to sell F-16 jet aircraft to Chile, which broke a two-decade ban on exporting high-tech weapons to Latin America.

Gov. Jeb Bush also supports him because Reich is an important figure in the right wing of the Cuban community in Miami, a bedrock of Republican electoral support in Florida.

But Reich may be most valued by the new Bush administration for the role he played in overturning the Nicaraguan revolution in the 1980s through a dirty and illegal contra war.

Washington's war on Nicaragua

The Somoza family controlled Nicaragua from 1934, when Gen. Anastasio Somoza García carried out a coup, to July 19, 1978. That's when a popular army, led by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), seized the capital city of Managua after years of guerrilla struggle.

The Somozas had relied on the firm and copious support of the United States to maintain their rule, and certainly returned the favors. For example, they supplied the bases from which Cuban mercenaries organized by the Central Intelligence Agency launched the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961.

Founded in 1961, the FSLN led an increasingly popular struggle against the corrupt and brutal regime. Its appeal grew especially after the great earthquake of 1972, when the government did nothing to help the suffering population but pocket international aid money. The front led mass strikes, armed actions, big protests and hostage takeovers. It won over the peasants, who didn't have enough land to support themselves, and women.

According to Holly Sklar in "Washington's War on Nicaragua," women not only provided a significant part of the leadership of the armed wing of the FSLN, they made up about 30 percent of some of its armed units.

When the Sandinistas finally took over in 1979, they faced an economic, political and social crisis. Some 2 percent of Nicaragua's people--50,000--had been killed over the previous two years; cities that hadn't been destroyed in the earthquake had been destroyed in the fighting. Somoza and his family and friends looted the banks, taking about $500 million before they fled. Two out of three Nicaraguans lived in severe poverty, according to the UN, and one out of the two didn't even earn enough for food.

U.S. government economists, according to Sklar, estimated Nicaragua would need $800 million in aid to restore the economy. The Sandinista government certainly didn't get anything near what it needed, but it was still able to do a lot. It won a UNESCO prize in 1980 for reducing illiteracy from over 50 percent to 13 percent. The poorest villages got clean water and basic medical care. The government redistributed Somoza's extensive land holdings.

It was certainly willing and anxious to have peaceful relations with the United States, but most Sandinistas were far more inspired by Cuban communism than U.S. capitalism.

Worked with Oliver North

By the end of 1981, the Reagan administration was fully committed to overthrowing the Sandinistas. It set up a group of counter-revolutionaries who came to be called the Contras and began funding and arming them.

In 1982, Otto Reich, then assistant administrator for Latin America of the Agency for International Development, testified before Congress that the U.S. was sending aid to Nicaragua, but not through the usual central banking channels. It was going directly to groups like the Private Enterprise Council, the Associations of Cattlemen, Coffee Growers and Rice Producers, the American School and the Roman Catholic Church. All these groups opposed the Sandinistas. (Washington Post, Aug. 4, 1982)

Then Ambassador Reich became head of the U.S. State Department's Office of Public Diplomacy, where he worked directly with Lt. Col. Oliver North. North was running the whole operation against the Sandinistas out of his office in the basement of the White House. North illegally sold arms to Iran and used the profits to fund the Contras.

Reich was officially a member of the National Security Council, headed by President Ronald Reagan and Vice-president George Bush. The NSC had a number of CIA station chiefs and Pentagon intelligence operatives on it.

The role of Reich's office was to discredit positive images of Nicaragua and create negative ones, answering domestic critics of the administration. He acted as a censor, monitoring and pressuring the news media; for example, he called National Public Radio "little Havana on the Potomac" after it reported on a Contra massacre.

Now his talent for deception and flouting the law in the interests of imperialist profit is once again in great demand. The problem his nomination faces is that this domestic propaganda work was prohibited by Congress at that time and the Government Accounting Office issued a report in 1987 noting this violation. Since nothing else was done about it, and the Sandinistas gave up power after 10 years of armed destruction by the Contras led to an election victory for the U.S.-supported opposition, Reich could get the nomination.

Whether or not Reich gets in, the fact that Bush picked a spy-master and propaganda expert to head U.S. diplomacy in Latin America says a lot about the way he intends to handle the growing mass resurgence there.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011
Email: ww@workers.org
Subscribe wwnews-subscribe@workersworld.net
Support independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)

HOME :: U.S. NEWS :: WORLD NEWS :: EDITORIALS :: SUBSCRIBE :: DONATE