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Bush whatcks collective bargaining rights

What's at stake in airline industry showdown

By Greg Butterfield

After President George W. Bush imposed a Presidential Emergency Board on contract negotiations at Northwest Airlines, members of the Aircraft Mechanics Fraternal Association demonstrated outside the White House March 12. They chanted "No intervention" and "Bush not fair to labor."

Some 10,000 Northwest mechanics were ready to strike at midnight March 12 in response to management stonewalling. They've been fighting for a new contract for over four years.

The mechanics are demanding a major pay increase, retroactive to 1996.

Under the 1926 Railway Labor Act--a largely anti-union law regulating the transportation industry--Bush's pro clam ation makes it illegal to strike for 60 days. If there's no agreement by May 12, the workers can strike.

But already congressional leaders, in collusion with Bush, have threatened to outlaw any strike and impose the emergency board's recommendations.

AMFA President O.V. Delle-Femine said Bush intervened "just as negotiations were coming together and significant movement was being made ... The momentum to settle by [Northwest] was impeded." (Associated Press, March 12)

"People in labor should be able to go on strike," said Tom Helisek, a mechanic at the Minneapolis-St. Paul International Airport, a major Northwest hub. "Before, we were just fighting the company. Now I guess we're fighting the government."

The struggle unfolding at Northwest is the tip of the iceberg.

A showdown is in the making between unions and management at three other big U.S. airlines: American, Delta and United.

Strikes possible at four airlines

Strikes are possible at all four airlines this spring, encompassing over 130,000 workers.

Flight attendants at United and pilots at Delta recently voted to authorize walkouts.

Workers at other airlines are also affected. TWA is about to be gobbled up by American, while US Airways is set to merge with United. Both are demanding concessions from the workers.

Meanwhile, Southwest Airlines workers have set up informational pickets at Houston's Hobby Airport to beef up their negotiating position.

While there are specific issues at each company, all of the workers involved--from mechanics, flight attendants and pilots to ramp workers, baggage handlers and ticket agents--say it's time for the profit-hogging airlines to start paying them back.

The airlines used pay and benefit cuts to bail themselves out of financial trouble in the early 1990s. Airline profits have boomed since the middle of the decade. But most workers have gotten nothing in return.

It was American Airlines--based in Bush's home state of Texas--that originated the industry-wide wage and benefit grab.

When Bush moved against the Northwest mechanics, he threatened these workers, too. "I intend to take the necessary steps to prevent airline strikes from happening this year," he said on March 9.

The Minneapolis Star Tribune called it "a saber-rattling message to unions at other airlines."

Storm clouds ahead

Bush's intervention at Northwest and his threat to quash any strikes is a storm warning for the airline unions. It's also a signal to the whole labor movement that a militant, united fight-back is needed.

What does the appointment of a Presidential Emergency Board mean?

It means the repressive capitalist state--the organized might of the whole owning class--has intervened to determine the outcome of collective bargaining between workers and management in one industry.

Democrat Bill Clinton set a precedent for Bush's move. In 1997, Clinton flexed his presidential power to halt an American Airlines pilots' strike minutes after it began.

This is a threat to the basic, democratic rights of workers to bargain collectively and strike.

So why is the owning class lining up against the airline workers?

An economic downturn is looming, ripe with mass layoffs and more hardships for working people. The bosses fear a successful strike wave in the airline industry could ignite a broader movement for job security, better wages and social justice.

The outcome of the airline workers' struggle--whether a victory or a defeat--will have a major impact on workers in every industry.

Industry-wide perspective needed

Along with its important goals of organizing the unorganized and defending immigrant workers' rights, the AFL-CIO needs to develop a perspective toward industry-wide collective bargaining in the transportation sector.

The AFL-CIO must struggle to find ways to include the AFMA and other independent unions in this effort. Isolation is the biggest threat the unions face--whether or not they are AFL-CIO affiliates--especially when they're up against a common front of the bosses.

The basis for unity is building opposition to labor's common enemies. These include Bush and the government, including both Republicans and Democrats; the repressive state apparatus of police, courts and prisons; and, of course, the giant banks and corporations.

If airline workers are going to stop the assault on their wages and union rights, then the relationship of forces must be made more favorable. Getting bogged down in individual bargaining at Northwest, Delta, United or American will undermine the unions' real strength. That's why an industry-wide labor strategy is needed.

In light of the current all-out attack on labor rights--including Bush's intervention against the airline unions, the repeal of ergonomics regulations, and the plan to expand NAFTA into the Free Trade Area of the Americas--conditions may soon be ripe for a congress of the whole labor movement and its allies.

Building a united struggle of organiz ed and unorganized workers and the affected communities is the key to victory.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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