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Why bosses call Los Angeles 'Strike HQ'

From a talk by Maggie Vascassenno at the Dec. 2-3 Workers World Party conference

In many ways Los Angeles has become the center of gravity for exciting developments taking place in the labor movement across the country.

Labor struggles in Los Angeles reflect the changes in the working class. Organizing among Latino, Black, immigrant and women workers and raising their demands for better pay and working conditions have become the cutting edge in the resurgence of labor struggles. The ability of lower-paid workers to organize, use militant street tactics and win community support is affecting not only rank-and-file workers but also top leaders in the union movement.

The AFL-CIO, which used to have a deplorable position on the rights of immigrants, has now called for amnesty for undocumented workers. And it's called on the federal government to stop deportations. This is because of the tremendous organizing efforts and victories by immigrant and oppressed workers.

I want to mention a few of the great battles that won Los Angeles the name "Strike Headquarters" in the capitalist media.

In February 1999, some 74,000 home health-care workers won union representation. These were mostly women--African Americans, Latinas and other nationalities--making minimum wage with no benefits and doing the hardest work. In Los Angeles they are spread out over hundreds of square miles with little or no contact with each other. This was the biggest organizing victory since 1937, when the Auto Workers organized General Motors.

Another example was the very militant Justice for Janitors strike. After fighting for years, Justice for Janitors took the struggle to a new level. The Service Employees union wasn't going to let the bosses, represented by American Building Maintenance, ignore its demands anymore.

They organized mass demonstrations and took scores of arrests for disrupting business as usual at swank Beverly Hills hotels and the University of Southern California, one of the wealthiest private universities in the United States. These mainly Black and Latino workers won a stunning victory. American Building Maintenance capitulated.

The key to this victory was the workers' ability to reach out to the communities where they lived and to the people of Los Angeles generally for support. By the end of this struggle thousands of non-union people were out in the streets with Justice for Janitors.

Most recent was the hard-fought battle of the Los Angeles transit workers to win a decent pay increase and defend themselves against the Metropolitan Transit Authority's multi-billion-dollar attempts to bust the union.

The bus drivers, a mainly Black work force, held together, united behind the union and their leadership. The MTA thought it could starve these workers out. The bosses wanted to change work rules to deny the drivers overtime pay. They expected they'd be able to spin off separate transit zones where union contracts would not be honored and basically destroy the union.

After a few days it became clear that the workers were not going to concede. The MTA launched a multi-million-dollar public-relations campaign to turn the riding public and the public in general against the workers. They told outlandish lies, saying the drivers earned $75,000 per year.

The public was not fooled and the campaign backfired. The riding public, over half a million mostly oppressed and poor people, knew where their interests lay--and that was with their fellow workers.

Support from Los Angeles Central Labor Council leaders and figures like Jesse Jackson strengthened the strike. But it was the solidarity and militancy of the workers and riders that dealt a final blow to management. They gave up and the workers won a good contract and protected the integrity of the union.

Coinciding with these struggles, the Los Angeles County workers, members of Service Employees Local 660, showed they weren't going to bow down. The United Teachers were demonstrating for a better contract and working conditions too.

Also significant, since Los Angeles is a company town for the movie industry, striking members of the Screen Actors Guild won a decent contract and preserved their union by finally mounting militant demonstrations at Hollywood premiers, shouting at scabs like Elizabeth Hurley.

Certainly the often timid and conservative SAG leaders showed they had learned something from the unions of oppressed, immigrant and women workers that won their struggles by taking it to the streets.

Corresponding to these changes, a group of workers in California recently filed a claim with the National Labor Relations Board to stop their company from moving across the border into Mexico. The workers claimed that the company's move to set up a maquiladora in Mexico would violate their right to a job and destroy their community.

Surprisingly, the NLRB agreed with the workers and ordered the bosses not to pick up and move. This victory can only be attributed to the rising strength of the labor movement.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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