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Bush bombs Baghdad

Wall Street loves it; world protests

By Deirdre Griswold

On Feb. 16, using long-range, precision-guided missiles, 24 U.S. and British jets bombed Iraq's capital city of Baghdad. The planes kept a safe distance, letting their deadly weapons find the targets from miles away. Having wreaked their destruction without even having to view the scene of the crime, the pilots flew back to their bases and ate dinner.

The planes that drop the bombs don't come roaring out of the sky anymore. There is no advance warning--no rumble of jet engines, no whistle or whine as deadly missiles seek their targets. No time to seek shelter.

Suddenly, amid the normal sounds of a normal day, come the deafening explosions. They are followed by screams, air raid alarms and the shrill sirens of ambulances rushing the wounded to hospitals.

If anything qualifies as a war crime, shouldn't it be such cowardly attacks on a civilian population?

Pentagon calls it 'routine self defense'

The Pentagon couldn't even come up with an excuse for the bombing raid, which left two people dead and 20 severely wounded. So they called it "a routine mission of self defense." Their twisted logic goes this way: Because the U.S. and Britain have unilaterally declared two-thirds of Iraq to be a "no-fly zone," meaning that only they can fly there, and because the Iraqis respond to their constant over-flights with anti-aircraft fire, these two imperialist powers have the right to bomb the largest city in the country.

Within hours protests against this crass and brutal display of "might makes right" began around the world. Washington and London were condemned by demonstrators and governments alike. Palestinians marched in Gaza in solidarity with Iraq. In Baghdad thousands carried banners reading, "Aggression will not scare us and sanctions will not harm us."

Protests erupted in Egypt, Lebanon, and other Arab countries, but also in Europe, Asia and across the United States.

The public in the U.S. and other imperialist countries are fed a steady diet of scare propaganda associating Iraq with "weapons of mass destruction" and "international terrorism." This supposedly objective reporting turns reality upside down. It is the Pentagon that threatens the world with its awesome destructive power.

Even Scott Ritter, the main weapons inspector sent into Iraq by the United Nations after the Gulf War, had to quit his job in 1997 to go public with the information that Iraq has no weapons of mass destruction. Ritter also confirmed that many of the weapons inspectors were really spies for the U.S., passing on information that could be used in future air strikes--which is why the Iraqi government finally banned them.

While a few newspapers reported briefly on Ritter's revelations, the propaganda blitz against Iraq has continued as before.

Politics, economics or both?

What forces are pushing the Bush foreign policy team to enrage the world's peoples while making even Washington's allies have to distance themselves at the very beginning of this new administration?

Some may see in this a confirmation of Bush's conservative politics and a determination to show that he will be as aggressive as his father's administration. All that is true, but the many years of U.S. war against Iraq cannot be explained solely on the basis of internal U.S. politics. After all, the supposedly liberal Clinton administration has maintained sanctions on Iraq that have cost an estimated 1.5 million lives, largely children under five. The military encirclement and daily over-flights have been embraced by Democrats as much as Republicans.

And what about the Labor Party government in Britain led by Tony Blair? It is as hawkish on Iraq as the Bush administration, even though its domestic social program purports to be more popular.

What both governments have in common is their intimate relation with the giant corporations and banks that depend on super-profits from Middle East oil. When the reins of political power pass from Democrat to Republican, or even from Conservative to Labor in Britain, there is no break in the continuity of capitalist class rule. The form, the image, the rhetoric may change, but the essence of the state remains the same. U.S. and British jets bomb Iraq to tell the whole oil-rich region that no one should dare challenge the status quo. And that status quo rests on the extraction of tremendous wealth by the global imperialist corporations and banks.

Clinton pretended that his pounding of Iraq was based on moral grounds, that he was doing it for the Iraqi people, to "help" them get rid of the big bad Saddam Hussein. Bush, on the other hand, has disavowed a so-called "nation-building" role for the U.S. military since even many conservatives are weary and disillusioned with countless interventions that only increase hatred of the U.S. abroad. So Bush doesn't even try to hide his connection to the oil corporations, arguing instead that what's good for Big Oil is in the "vital interests" of this country.

It's like the Walrus and the Carpenter in Lewis Carroll's poem. Both ate all the oysters they could get their hands on. But one pretended to cry for his victims--so that he could hide his gluttony behind a handkerchief.

Of course, defining the class character of the U.S. government as a tool of monopoly capitalism only explains the general outlines of Washington's foreign policy. It does not address the particulars of why an attack now, at this time, instead of next month or next year.

Often critics of this or that act of brazen imperialist bullying will argue that it was done at the wrong time, in the wrong place. Some of the pundits now appearing on television are of this stripe. Frightened by the burning anger against the U.S. erupting all over the world, they argue that the tactics of the politicians and generals are clumsy and will boomerang.

Few, if any, help educate the public by putting a spotlight on the real problem. They dare not say that those who make policy are merely doing the bidding of the super-rich ruling class.

Why don't they remind everyone that the owners of the banks and corporations bought the politicians with hundreds of millions of dollars in campaign contributions, lobbying perks and slush funds? Why don't they point out that this class owns the generals and admirals, too, by guaranteeing them lucrative positions in the corporate world when they retire from their 20 years of "service" beating up on the resource-rich countries of the Third World?

Bombs fall, war stocks go up

The timing of this event reflects not only Bush's political needs but the bigger needs of the corporate ruling class. The connection between militarism and the profit system has never been clearer.

According to Michel Chossudovsky, a professor of economics at the University of Ottawa who closely follows trends on Wall Street, the only high-tech stocks that are not being battered these days are those that are directly connected to military production.

He describes in an article posted on emperors-clothes.com how the bombing of Iraq buoyed a shaky stock market that had been heading into a "near meltdown."

At one point on Feb. 16, stocks had dropped by 5 percent. But then came the announcement that Baghdad had been bombed and the market recovered. The London Sunday Mail sighed in relief that "the American market didn't collapse. It didn't plummet. Indeed, the fall was less than 1 percent. This was a routine day--unless you happened to live in Baghdad."

Chossudovsky explained that all week investors had feared a crash. But "In the last hours of trading on the 16th, defense stocks spiraled; oil and energy stocks boomed following news that Iraq's oil industry might be impaired. The value of Exxon, Chevron and Texaco stocks shot up. Harken Energy Corporation--in which George W. Bush served as company director and corporate consultant before entering politics--gained 5.4 percent by the end of trading. Harken Energy happens to be a key player in Colombian oil (with a multi-billion dollar U.S. military aid package under 'Plan Colombia' on hand to protect its investments). Harken Energy CEO Mikel Faulkner is a former business associate of George W."

The bombing also "reassured" investors that Bush intends to go ahead with a broad strategy of reinventing the U.S. military machine, spending hundreds of billions on new technologies like the so-called "missile defense shield" that haven't even been developed yet.

The idea is to make U.S. troops invulnerable behind high-tech weapons systems so that imperialism can dominate an increasingly resistant world without having to fear a revolt from within, as happened during the Vietnam War. But empires have a way of crumbling, no matter how powerful their militaries, when the ambitions of the rulers clash with the needs of the people.

Right now, workers in the U.S. are being laid off and trampled by the same corporations that order the deaths of Iraqi children so coldly. Depriving them of social services like welfare, social security, Medicare and good public schools in order to beef up the military and cut taxes for the rich is going to bring the global class war home.

Nevertheless, the military-industrial-banking complex can't help being true to its nature. The corporations are already lined up for the juicy contracts that a bigger Pentagon budget will bring. Says Chossudovsky, "The new buzz phrase on Wall Street is that--despite the slowdown of the U.S. economy--defense stocks constitute 'a safe-haven shelter from the dot-com implosion.' " Boeing, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, Northrop- Grumman and Raytheon--the "Big Five" defense contractors--are growing fatter as civilian companies sink into bankruptcy.

The Bush team is attempting to hold off the capitalist economic crisis already underway through a form of military Keynesianism. After campaigning loudly about getting government out of the economy, these lackeys for big business want to use state intervention to stimulate growth and avoid the inevitable downturn. But instead of financing a program of civilian construction like that in the 1930s, they want the government to step in and reorganize the flagging high-tech sector under military guidance.

None of this will work. It is only setting the stage for a much bigger battle over which class will control and shape society. Will it continue to be the elite propertied group whose insatiable hunger for profits drives them to greater exploitation, oppression and war? Or will the vast majority, the workers, who now must struggle every day just to keep their heads above water, find a way to break free of the political control of the big business parties and assert their own class interests?

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