NYC transit contract
and public workers' right to strike
By
Milt Neidenberg
New York
The
hard-fought battle by the 33,000 members of Transit Workers Local 100 to
win a decent contract from the New York Metropolitan Transit Authority has
ended. The workers who run the subways and buses--women and men of all nationalities--have
ratified the proposed agreement.
The
vote was 11,570 in favor and 7,069 opposed, according to Local 100 President
Willie James. He had waged an all-out fight to get approval.
More
than 14,000 members didn't vote. This reflects the bitter controversy between
New Directions, a strong opposition faction that narrowly lost the local's last
election, and the Willie James leadership. They clashed over the contract's
merits.
The
agreement provides a 12.48-percent compounded raise over three years. The MTA
also pledges to reduce the workers' pension contributions by 3.3
percent.
The
economic package far exceeds the average settlements won by the labor movement
these days. However, the contract has language allowing the MTA to alter job
descriptions in subway and bus maintenance. The changes threaten seniority
rights and job security, and will be a factor in production
speed-ups.
The
contract also allows the MTA to continue using workfare workers. Management
forced this on the union in the 1996 contract--replacing some union-wage jobs
with slave
labor.
For
these reasons and others, New Directions opposed the settlement. Those members
who voted for the contract felt that it was the best they could get once the
strike threat was removed and momentum was lost. Those who voted against the
contract wanted to fight
on.
The
33,000 train and bus workers must now close ranks. The MTA, Mayor Rudolph
Giuliani, and Wall Street are unhappy that because of the pressure from the
strike threat, they had to grant a settlement that is better than the average
economic packages. They will want their revenge, and will find ways to violate
the contract, punish the workers and push them to produce
more.
A
major factor in this contract fight was the arrogant interference of the
union-busting Giuliani and Wall Street. It began in October 1999, when the union
threatened to strike during the winter holidays, including the period of the
millennium new year celebrations. The strike threat was a response to the MTA
trying to jam a totally unacceptable contract down the throats of the rank and
file.
A
transit strike during the holidays would have been a major economic catastrophe.
It would have cost the corporate and banking establishment, real-estate tycoons
and employers in general hundreds of millions of dollars in losses. And it would
have been a political disaster for Giuliani--who was preparing to run for the
Senate.
The
strike threat was backed up by a series of militant demonstrations and train and
bus slowdowns by the rank and file. These sent a message to the mayor that the
workers were prepared to strike for economic justice--despite the infamous,
anti-union, strike-breaking Taylor Law that would fine them two days' pay for
each day on strike.
On
the final day of the old contract, the mayor got a judge to put a gun to the
head of the union to head off the strike. The judge issued an injunction that
threatened fines of $25,000 and up for each striker and $1 million for the
union--if they even talked about striking, let alone actually
struck.
It
was an unprecedented, unconstitutional use of the powers of the mayor, the
courts, and the cops--who threatened to round up members if they even said the
word strike or carried a sign. Hillary Rodham Clinton, Giuliani's Democratic
senatorial opponent, joined in by voicing support for the Taylor Law and
denouncing any attempt by public-sector workers to
strike.
Unfortunately,
the local and national AFL-CIO leadership failed to respond to these vicious
strike-breaking tactics. The strike never
materialized.
Clearly,
this was more than a struggle for a decent contract. It was class war unfolding.
And it highlighted as a primary issue public-sector workers' right to
strike.
A
great deal of credit should be given to New Directions. Its members aroused,
organized and gave leadership to workers in the struggle to challenge the Taylor
Law. And they stood up as well as they could to the anti-union drumbeat from the
mayor, the media and Wall
Street.
The
33,000 MTA workers face another union election in the near future. The lessons
of this bitter struggle and the conduct of those leaders who fought the hardest
against the MTA, Giuliani and Wall Street should remain fresh in their minds at
voting time. Inevitably, it will be these leaders who will have to again face
the class enemies who are determined to undermine their union contract and deny
them their basic constitutional right to strike.
This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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