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HO CHI MINH

Liberation fighter & Vietnam’s leader

Following are excerpts from a talk by Naomi Cohen on May 19, at a Workers World Party meeting to commemorate the 110th anniversary of the birth of Ho Chi Minh and the 75th anniversary of the birth of Malcolm X.

Ho Chi Minh was born on May 19, 1890, in a village in central Vietnam. Anyone who ever saw his picture knows he was slight in stature. But Ho Chi Minh was a towering figure in the history of the national liberation movements of the 20th century. His leadership of the struggle against colonialism in Indochina inspired and gave confidence to millions of oppressed peoples in all the colonial countries of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America.

From the time he was a teenager, Ho--born Nguyen Tat Thanh--was involved in anti-colonial activities against the French colonial regime. Details about his early years are sketchy, but it is known that in 1911 he went to sea as a kitchen worker on a French ocean liner and thus got to see the condition of the working classes and oppressed peoples all over the world.

He identified with the struggles of all colonized peoples and wrote about their plight in detail. Ho spent some time in the United States and saw in the Jim Crow segregation system, as well as in the racist terror of the Ku Klux Klan, close duplications of the status of the Vietnamese under French rule that he knew firsthand. In fact, he wrote a number of essays on the KKK and the lynching of Black people in the U.S., exposing the hypocrisy of the so-called democratic system.

In an essay entitled "Lynching, a Little-Known Aspect of American Civilization," written in 1924, Ho wrote:

"It is well known that the Black race is the most oppressed and most exploited of the human family. It is well known that the spread of capitalism and the discovery of the New World had as an immediate result the rebirth of slavery, which was, for centuries, a scourge for the Negroes and a bitter disgrace for humanity. What everyone does not perhaps know, is that after 65 years of so-called emancipation, American Negroes still endure atrocious moral and material sufferings, of which the most cruel and horrible is the custom of lynching."

Joined European
socialist movement

During World War I, Ho Chi Minh worked in London as a kitchen helper and also shoveled snow to eke out a meager existence, all the while participating in the European socialist movement of the time and keeping in touch with developments in Indochina. Toward the end of 1917, he moved to France where there was a large Vietnamese exile community. In November of that year, the Bolshevik Revolution triumphed in Russia and there were fierce working class struggles in many of the imperialist powers in Europe.

Ho joined the French Socialist Party and participated in the political debates of the time over the road to socialism. But his burning interest remained how to liberate the colonial peoples from their imperialist masters and how the working-class organizations of Europe would participate and assist in those struggles. After all, the war was fundamentally an inter-imperialist struggle about which of the European and North American powers would hold sway over the colonies in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East.

Ho's earliest public document, drafted under the name Nguyen Ai Quoc, was an appeal to the Versailles Conference of 1919, where the imperialist powers were meeting to re-divide the spoils of the war. While U.S. President Woodrow Wilson was posing as the champion of self-determination for the colonial people, behind closed doors the U.S., France, and Britain were actually negotiating over who would get which colonies. Wilson refused an audience to the audacious Vietnamese man who dared write up a program for the self-determination of the Indochinese people and show up at Versailles. France remained the colonial power in Indochina, which consisted of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.

During this same post-war period, Ho Chi Minh immersed himself in the debates in the European socialist movement over which international grouping would give leadership to the struggle. In an article Ho wrote in 1960 about this period, he described how he became a Leninist and identified with the Third International.

"Heated debates were then taking place in the branches of the Socialist Party about the question of whether the Socialist Party should remain in the Second International, should a Second-and-a-half International be founded, or should the Socialist Party join Lenin's Third International? I attended the meetings regularly, twice or thrice a week, and attentively listened to the discussions. First I could not understand thoroughly. Why were the discussions so heated? . . .

"What I wanted most to know--and this precisely was not debated in the meetings--was: Which International sides with the people of colonial countries?

"I raised this question--the most important in my opinion--in a meeting. Some comrades answered: It is the Third, not the Second, International. And a comrade gave me Lenin's 'Theses on the National and Colonial Questions,' published by l'Humanité, to read.

"There were political terms difficult to understand in this thesis. But by dint of reading it again and again, finally I could grasp the main part of it. What emotion, enthusiasm, clear-sightedness, and confidence it instilled into me! I was overjoyed to tears. Though sitting alone in my room, I shouted aloud as if addressing large crowds: 'Dead martyrs, compatriots! This is what we need, this is the path to our liberation!' . . .

"At first, patriotism, not yet communism, led me to have confidence in Lenin, in the Third International. Step by step, along the struggle, by studying Marxism-Leninism parallel with participation in practical activities, I gradually came upon the fact that only Socialism and Communism can liberate the oppressed nations and the working people throughout the world from slavery."

Until his death in 1969, Ho Chi Minh was to be the guiding light for the liberation struggle in Indochina. Under his leadership, the combined forces of the Indochinese people defeated first the French and then the U.S. imperialists over a period of some 40 years.

Defeated
French and U.S. imperialists

In September of 1945, Ho Chi Minh was installed as president of the Provisional Government in Hanoi, having driven out both the Japanese and French occupation forces from Vietnam. But, like in Korea, where the revolutionary forces under Kim Il Sung also liberated their country from Japanese occupation, the imperialists were bent on the re-occupation and division of the country. In Vietnam, the French were the main occupation force, but the U.S. played a key role in supporting French colonialism there.

It took another nine years for the Vietnam People's Army to oust the French in the historic battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Then the combined forces of the North and the National Liberation Front in the South fought for another 20 years, finally defeating the U.S. in 1975 and driving it from its last bastions in Saigon--now Ho Chi Minh City.

Famous for utilizing a type of guerrilla warfare known as People's War, Ho Chi Minh and General Vo Nyugen Giap, who was commander-in-chief of the Vietnam People's Army, led the decisive battle against the French forces in 1954. It is extremely interesting today to understand how this was accomplished. Here is a brief description of how they prepared for the battle, from "An Outline History of the Viet Nam Workers' Party," published in Hanoi, 1976:

"Our artillery and infantry units, with only rudimentary equipment, built hundreds of kilometers of roads through forests and mountains to the battlefield, dug hundreds of kilometers of communication trenches under intense enemy fire, and hauled heavy guns up hill and down dale to the battlefield.

"Putting into effect the slogan 'all for the front, all for victory,' 200,000 volunteer carriers provided more than 3 million work days to serve the Dien Bien Phu front. Tens of thousands of members of shock youth brigades together with engineer units valiantly opened new roads and defused enemy delayed-action bombs on communication lines. Tens of thousands of pack bicycles, buffalo carts, ox carts, horse carts and boats were used for the transport of rice, foodstuffs and ammunition to the front . . .

"After 55 days and nights of continuous fighting, on May 7, 1954, our army completely destroyed the Dien Bien Phu fortified entrenched camp, annihilating or capturing 16,000 enemy troops. The entire French command led by De Castries surrendered after hoisting a white flag."

The experience of Dien Bien Phu was built upon and used in the long struggle against U.S. aggression, where the mass of the people were mobilized, North and South, often right under the enemy's noses. This is what was done in the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam in 1968, which was really a nationwide armed insurrection carried out by hundreds of thousands of people, not just trained soldiers.

In fact, it turned out that the U.S. ambassador's chauffeur was a National Liberation Front fighter who, at the time of the Tet Offensive, was able to open the gates to the U.S. Embassy compound and let in other guerrilla fighters. They took the compound long enough to fly the NLF flag from the embassy roof in Saigon.

The example of the struggle in Vietnam gave optimism to people around the world. They saw that if an oppressed people, armed at first with only bamboo spears or bows and arrows, could bring the French and then the mighty U.S. colossus to their knees, then there was hope that they, too, could challenge the imperialist beast.

The rallying cry of liberation movements from Latin America to Africa was, "Two, three, many Vietnams." In the U.S. as well, fighters for Black liberation like Malcolm X and the youth of the Black Panther Party and Young Lords Party were listening and learning from the example set by Vietnam and its president, Ho Chi Minh.

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