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SMOKE AND MIRRORS

Gore talks left in bid to hold Democratic base

By Fred Goldstein

There were several problems facing Vice President Al Gore when he made his Aug. 17 speech accepting the Democratic presidential nomination.

He was down 18 points in the polls from his Republican opponent, Texas Gov. George W. Bush.

Gore's chances were rapidly eroding because his politics were completely aligned with the vacillating Clinton/New Democrat policies.

Gore was openly friendly to big business, having recently played errand boy for the pharmaceutical companies in their effort to block the South African government's search for an affordable response to the AIDS crisis.

Gore, like President Bill Clinton, had vacillated on affirmative action and women's right to choose abortion. In general, he was not saying anything to appeal to the masses or any progressive segment of the population.

The vice president aggravated his own situation when he picked Sen. Joseph Lieberman as his running mate. Lieberman is one of the most conservative elements in the national Democratic leadership. He has been an outspoken opponent of affirmative action, a supporter of school vouchers, and a friend of the anti-Cuba right wing.

To make Gore's situation even more difficult, the anti-corporate campaign of Ralph Nader, directed against the two big capitalist parties, was gaining ground.

The corporate media attempted to reduce the Gore campaign's pre-convention crisis to a personality contest. They said his style was stodgy and too formal. He had to improve his style, they advised.

But the Gore forces, in their desperate attempt to salvage the campaign, grasped that style was not really the issue. No, they had to find some means to differentiate their candidate from Bush in a way that would be discernable to some section of the progressive masses.

Thus his campaign advisors decided that Gore should adopt a posture of being against the wealthy and powerful and on the side of "working families." Gore, in fact, borrowed the "working families" slogan from the AFL-CIO as a way to appeal to union members.

To that end, when Gore finally mounted the platform at the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles, he railed against the HMOs, the pharmaceutical monopolies and Big Oil.

Struggle over party platform

How much credence should workers and oppressed people give to Gore's last-minute change of tune? Consider what went on behind the scenes at the convention before the Democratic nominee's speech.

In the bitter struggle over the party platform, the Gore forces blocked any and all attempts to insert language against the death penalty, for more assistance to the poor, to cut military spending, or for universal health care.

Of course, the bourgeois parties' written programs ultimately amount to nothing. They are just pieces of paper to be torn up after the candidate is elected.

But to some extent they do register the feelings of the delegates. In the case of the Democrats this included many African Americans and labor unionists. The fight over the program resulted in declining morale among the Democratic base as represented at the convention.

A sure warning signal was the comment by Willy Brown, the African American mayor of San Francisco, who said that Gore was out of touch with the Democrats' base. Brown advised Gore to spend every Sunday between now and Election Day in a Black church, meaning it would take a big effort for Gore to generate enthusiasm with African American voters.

In a nutshell, Gore's problem is that he is a prisoner of the political atmosphere he helped create as part of the Clinton administration's drive to the right. This included collaborating with the Gingrich Republican forces in dismantling welfare, strengthening the racist death penalty, saying that the era of "big government" is over, and carrying out the destruction of much of the New Deal-era legislation.

Gore's advisors chose to break out of this trap by rhetorical means. They put words of concern for the masses in his mouth, though most of his new image was smoke and mirrors. So Gore came out unequivocally for affirmative action and Roe vs. Wade. He deliberately repudiated the Clinton/Lieberman formulation on affirmative action, "mend it, don't end it."

He came out for prescription drug coverage for seniors, which the Clinton administration has long promoted but failed so far to put into effect. He called for health insurance for children; but this has already been half done, and is part of a plan of minimum maintenance in place of a real universal health-care program.

All this amounts to a pile of election promises without a heap of conviction. The small reforms Gore promised are predicated on the swing of the capitalist economy and the cooperation of the legislative bodies. By the time these modest measures take shape they will likely be compromised or shredded to pieces.

Gore bought and paid for

Gore and the Democratic leadership are perpetrating a fraud when they say they are for the workers and the poor.

Gore is part and parcel of the rich and powerful, who paid for the Democratic Convention. The Democratic leadership is loyal and beholden to them.

For all his talk about working families, Gore didn't once mention unions or the right to organize. He wasn't about to challenge the military, so there was no hint of criticism of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy used to witch hunt lesbians and gay men.

Gore wants to spend the budget surplus to pay off the national debt, but he didn't mention the 43 million people without health insurance. He talked about a "patient's bill of rights," but what does that mean when health care is in the hands of the insurance companies? What about the $300 billion military budget?

He talked about further increasing the repressive forces under the rubric of "community policing." That amounts to trying to put a kind face on the racist police brutality that is running rampant all over the country.

He said nothing about the ballooning prison population or the fact that more prisons than schools are being built in some areas. There was no mention of the continued existence of sweatshops, or of unorganized workers, who have no protection, benefits or rights in the face of the greedy bosses.

Gore didn't say anything about taking away some of Wall Street's obscene profits to feed hungry children. In fact, Gore said precisely nothing that fundamentally challenges the capitalist class in any way.

The fact is, Gore's promises amount to nothing. Clinton, like Gore, said he was for women's right to choose. But under Clinton hundreds of doctors stopped performing abortions, schools stopped offering training to abortion providers, and rural and poor women lost access to reproductive services.

So while posturing demagogically for this right, Clinton allowed it to be eroded by terrorism and neglect. The same is true for affirmative action.

It should not be forgotten that in the Clinton-Gore administration, Gore constituted the right wing. The two of them abandoned Black law professor Lani Guinier after appointing her assistant attorney general for human rights. They teamed up to boot Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders when she made a modest progressive attempt on sex education. They championed NAFTA.

The Clinton-Gore team has a horrible record. There's no reason to think Gore will do any better if he gets into the White House as a tool of the monopolies.

Gore's posturing against the rich and powerful is the oldest trick of capitalist politics. No one should be fooled by it. Whether Gore or Bush wins in November, the capitalist class wins.

The working class doesn't need to wait years and years just to suffer rotten compromises over how many crumbs will be thrown from the table. The workers need to organize and mobilize. Instead of pouring money into the campaigns of one or another big-business politician, the unions need to put it into the struggle.

Building the struggle is the only way the workers will win gains and keep them.

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