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Will Congress ratify child stealing?

Protest set for Miami: 'Free Elián!'

By Deirdre Griswold

As the struggle to free little Elián González from the clutches of the Cuban right-wing in Miami painfully drags on, pressure is growing on the Clinton administration and the Immigration and Naturalization Service to enforce their own ruling that the boy belongs with his father, grandparents and neighbors back in his homeland.

The Cuban people have shown their outrage for two months in gigantic demonstrations. And all over the U.S., local committees have sprung up to send Elián home.

Now supporters of sending the six-year-old Cuban home are mobilizing for a national demonstration in Miami on Jan. 29.

It will be the first time that the substantial number of Cubans in that city who are not under the control of the ultra-right will have an opportunity to make their views known before the world media. They will have to brave the threats of counter-revolutionary groups with a reputation for violence that comes from their use as commandos by the Central Intelligence Agency.

But the progressive Cubans will not be alone. They will be joined by other Latin Americans, Haitians and whites who want Miami and the world to see that the days when right-wing thugs could control the streets of that city are over.

International Peace for Cuba Appeal national co-coordinators Teresa Gutierrez and Gloria La Riva are in Miami helping to organize the protest, along with Rev. Lucius Walker of Pastors for Peace and other progressive activists.

La Riva said the demonstration is "going to give the people in Miami, especially the Cuban community who are for normalization of relations and who have held on for 40 years, some breathing space. A Pastors bus is coming from Chicago, Haitians have translated the leaflets and posters into Creole, and we are constantly getting calls from around the country from people who have read our web page or seen publicity about the event and are coming to Miami."

Gutierrez added that "this historic event will have lasting significance for the people of Miami, long after the demonstration is over." The demonstration will start at 10 a.m. at the INS building, 79th & Biscayne.

From jaws of death to
jaws of right-wing

The Cuban ultra-right are trying to bolster their political position and whip up a hysteria against Cuba by turning this traumatized child, who floated for two days on a rubber raft in the Caribbean after seeing his mother drown, into a political pawn. Every day, they organize demonstrations at the house of his great uncle, who was given temporary custody of the child by the INS.

The message is always the same: The kid will have more stuff here than in Cuba--more toys, more clothes, trips to Disney World, and all the other consumer goods that are scarce in that blockaded country. What they don't admit is that Elián not only has a loving family back in Cuba and a safe, dignified and warm environment, but he also is guaranteed work, shelter, education and health care there, unlike in the United States.

Even as immigrants from other countries are being incarcerated or unceremoniously shipped back home, this boy's case has become a cause célèbre of those who still vainly hope to overthrow the Cuban Revolution. Two Florida Republicans are preparing bills in the House and Senate to make him an honorary citizen, thereby removing him from the jurisdiction of the INS. If enacted, it would be the first time in U.S. history that an individual has been naturalized by Congress.

President Clinton has not said definitively that he will veto the bill. Not wanting to openly antagonize the ultra-right, he is hoping to be spared having to take a clear stand by a filibuster in Congress.

However, many of the lies about socialist Cuba told by the counter-revolutionaries are suddenly being exposed. When Elián's two grandmothers, Mariela Quintana and Raquel Rodriguez, both flew to the U.S. on Jan. 21 to try and bring the boy home, their very presence punctured the lie that Cuba is a police state from which everyone is trying to flee. They argued forcefully and convincingly about the advantages awaiting him at home.

They are true ambassadors for the Cuban working class, the backbone of the revolution, even though tragedy has thrust them into this position.

The strength of any revolution resides in the people--their unity, political consciousness and will to fight for the new society against those who would drag the country back to the past. The U.S. ruling class had hoped that Cuba's hardships after the USSRcollapse would break down that solidarity and will.

They must be gnawing their knuckles at the impassioned human flood that marches almost every other day past the U.S. Interests Section in Havana.

Around the world, the shadow-boxing between U.S. federal authorities and the "Miami Mafia" has evoked disbelief and disgust. Even the Economist, a conservative British financial magazine that usually has great praise for its imperialist ally, called the incident a "kidnapping" that reflects "the idiocy of American attitudes to Cuba."

These attitudes have been crystallized in the 40-year blockade by which the U.S. has tried to impoverish and starve the socialist island. But for more than a decade now, the United Nations General Assembly has voted almost unanimously against the blockade. The only vote of support Washington can count on is from Israel, the largest recipient of U.S. military aid in the world.

Cuba refuses to collapse

The right wing has been predicting the imminent collapse of the Cuban Revolution for 40 years now. Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida, George W.'s brother, even organized a $10 billion investment fund a decade ago for the day when U.S. capital would rush back to exploit the Cuban people once again after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

But it hasn't happened. Now this crisis has shown how strong and deep is the Cuban people's anger and rejection of U.S. imperialism's high-handed and arrogant treatment. And it comes just when Washington was beginning to think it could cultivate a "dissident" movement inside Cuba to pave the way for counter-revolution.

In pursuit of profits as well as a more nuanced approach to Cuba, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce has been lobbying to ease the blockade. This confirms the Cuban right-wing's worst nightmare--that their privileged position in the U.S., where they not only have been given access to money and power but have also been incorporated into the political establishment in certain areas and into the state apparatus itself, may be flagging.

Their extreme behavior in this case is an attempt to reassert their position. But, in the end, the tail does not wag the dog.

The U.S. imperialist ruling class wants a free hand to conduct foreign policy in its own interests. It has a long and sordid record of building up counter-revolutionary groups and individuals when it has needed them, only to cut them down when its tactics change.

The right-wing Cubans in Miami know that the CIA has used Kurds, Afghanis, Vietnamese and others when it suited them. But when a new situation arose, it has sacrificed them. It has even assassinated heads of state it had supported, like Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam and Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, because they weren't useful any more.

Because the Cubans are a large and entrenched political force within the U.S., they cannot be discarded as others have been. They are a bastion of anti-communism and right-wing politics in general, and Washington always has need of that. But the really big ruling class, which maps Washington's global strategy, never wants its puppets to mistakenly think they are the masters. It has many ways to drive that point home.

Until now, these counter-revolutionaries have been free to say anything, no matter how outlandish, to defame Cuba. It was all treated as good coin by the big business media here. But now, all of a sudden, some of the truth is beginning to come out.

The Jan. 31 Newsweek has an interview with Elián's grandmothers. Larry King and other powerful talk show hosts are giving equal time to those who say Elián should be allowed to go home. It is a very small rebuttal of the tons of lies that have been told about socialist Cuba, but given how the right-wing has completely dominated the public dialogue until now, it undoubtedly has them very worried.

No going back to bad old days

Miami's Cubans are by no means a homogenous group, but those who have captured Elián and are parading him as a symbol represent the past--a time of privilege for the few and misery for the vast majority. In Cuba, the people call them the "Miami Mafia" because so many trace their history back to the corrupt and bloody regime that ruled Cuba hand in glove with U.S. mobsters who owned the expensive hotels and gambling casinos.

The Cuban elite were allowed to get moderately rich in those days--while the really huge fortunes were being taken out by U.S. capitalists.

In 1956--the same year that Fidel Castro and his comrades in the 26th of July Movement launched their guerrilla war against the Batista dictatorship--the U.S. Department of Commerce reported that U.S. companies controlled 90 percent of Cuba's telephone and electric services. They also held about 50 percent of the railways, 40 percent of raw sugar production, the most important cattle ranches, the one copper mine, and the major tourist facilities and hotels.

That was a time of abject poverty for the agricultural workers and small peasants who made up the majority of the population. Despite many heroic strikes by the sugar workers and other laborers, the conditions in the countryside were appalling. The poor were illiterate, had no access to health care, and lived in dirt-floored shacks with no running water or sewage systems. Intestinal parasites and other diseases were widespread. And the bosses employed thugs to keep things that way.

This is why today, even in what Cuba calls a "special period" of economic hardship, a Cuban musician featured in the U.S. film "Buena Vista Social Club" tells how life is much better now than in those bad old days.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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