Workers.org

Support
anti-war,
anti-racist
news

:: Donate now ::


Email this articleEmail this article 

Print this pagePrintable page


Email the editor

 

'DON'T ASK, DON'T TELL'

Who will overturn Pentagon ban?

By Leslie Feinberg

The biggest employer in the United States--the Pentagon war machine--is carrying out vicious witch hunts against lesbian, gay and bisexual service people. Who is capable of leading the struggle that will force the brass to retreat from their brazenly bigoted ban on gays in the military?

Surely no one expects a Republican politician to lead the charge. But can any progressive person have confidence that a Democrat will stand up to the generals?

Public horror and outrage over the July 5 murder of young Pfc. Barry Winchell has forced politicians to scramble for positions on whether or not openly lesbian, gay and bisexual people should be allowed to serve in the armed forces.

Winchell was bludgeoned with a baseball bat as he slept in his base barracks at the U.S. Army's 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Ky. He died the next day.

Winchell, identified as gay in the media, isn't alive today to define his own sexuality. But he endured six months of anti-gay epithets and harassment after he began dating a transgendered woman--Calpernia Adams. His tormentors illustrated how anti-trans and anti-gay oppression can dovetail.

After angry protests by lesbian/gay/ bi/trans organizations, two soldiers were taken into military custody. Pvt. Calvin Glover was convicted of premeditated murder. Spc. Justin Fisher was convicted of lesser charges of obstructing justice on a plea bargain.

But what about Winchell's company section leader Sgt. Michael Kleig? He reportedly launched an investigation--not into the harassment, but into Winchell's sexuality. This is supposed to be a breach of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy.

Soldiers in Winchell's company reportedly complained to their officers about the treatment he was suffering. Yet the officers did nothing.

Like the 1998 killing of Matthew Shepard, the murder of Winchell has raised broader social consciousness about the rise in right-wing lynchings.

But Winchell's death also put a smoking gun in the hands of the generals, admirals and commander in chief who licensed the open season on the hunting of lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans people in all branches of the armed forces.

All talk, no action

In the wake of public outrage at Winchell's killing, the Pentagon held hearings into his death on Aug. 10. Three days later, Pentagon officials announced they were revising guidelines for the "don't ask, don't tell, don't pursue" policy on gays and lesbians in the military.

The tinkering with the policy amounted to this: Base commanders are now supposed to seek approval from officers "higher up" before investigating anyone for homosexuality.

But the military is the quintessential "top-down" organization. The orders for anti-gay oppression in the military come from the highest ranks--those with clusters of gold stars on their epaulets. They're the same top military officials who forced President Bill Clinton to backtrack on his campaign promise to overturn the ban on gays in the military.

Clinton vowed again and again during his 1992 campaign that he would overturn this ban. But once in office, he melted like butter under the hot bayonet of Pentagon and congressional opposition. Both houses of Congress, it should be recalled, were controlled by Democrats at that time.

Clinton instead proposed a "don't ask, don't tell, don't pursue" policy as a "compromise" that would protect gay and lesbian GIs as long as they stayed in the closet. This was a capitulation to the generals, plain and simple. His surrender emboldened the brass.

The murder of Barry Winchell has refocused community and public anger about the "don't ask, don't tell" policy. This sustained outrage has forced officials--from the War Room to the Oval Office--to issue placating statements.

On Dec. 13, Defense Secretary William Cohen ordered his department's inspector general to conduct a 90-day review within each branch of the military to determine whether or not lesbian and gay service people are being harassed.

What a waste of taxpayers' money. And it's a diversion to avoid taking action against the Pentagon ban on gays in the military.

Last year the Service Members Legal Defense Network determined that the number of GIs booted out of the armed forces in 1998 on the grounds of homosexuality was 92 percent higher than in early 1994, when "don't ask, don't tell" was implemented.

Another study by the same organization revealed that between 1997 and 1998 reports of anti-gay assaults--including verbal bashing and death threats--more than doubled.

On Dec. 18, the Defense Department sent memos to each branch of the military urging the brass hats to issue a "strong statement" to their field officers that anti-gay harassment would not be tolerated.

But as long as the anti-gay ban remains in place, this is merely lip service. It's still business as usual: hounding and terrorizing and witch hunting lesbian, gay and bisexual GIs out of the military.

For example, the Jan. 7 New York Blade noted that the SLDN obtained an Oct. 21 e-mail sent by Marine Lt. Col. Edward Melton. In it, Melton uses vile language to mock Winchell's murder. This senior officer at a Marine Corps base in California implies that commanders should merely be careful not to get caught carrying out their harassment.

The SLDN also documented two other incidents at Winchell's own army base after his murder.

One sergeant allegedly referred to the meeting on the Defense Department's directive as a "fag briefing."

And another sergeant reportedly led a march of soldiers with the cadence: "Faggot, faggot, down the street, shoot him, shoot him, until he retreats."

Talking out of both sides
of their mouths

Public outrage over the ban on gays and lesbians in the military has made the issue a political hot potato in this year's elections.

On Dec. 8, Hillary Rodham Clinton took the position that gays should be able to serve openly in the military. She made her well-publicized remarks at a $1,000-a-plate gay fundraiser in Manhattan. Rodham Clinton is a virtual candidate in the New York race for the Senate.

But here's the catch: Rodham Clinton said lesbian and gay voters shouldn't expect that there is support in Congress for overturning the ban. So is she telling voters that the road to the Senate should be paved with good intentions?

Lest anyone think Rodham Clinton is a genuine friend to the lesbian/gay/bi/trans communities, the very next day she announced that she wants to march in this year's New York St. Patrick's Day Parade. Its organizers exclude the Irish Lesbian and Gay Organization. Most Democratic politicians have considered it the better part of wisdom not to march in a parade that has faced protests since 1991 for its anti-gay policy.

In a waffle deserving of maple syrup, Rodham Clinton's campaign spokesperson Howard Wolfson said, "She hopes to march, and she hopes it's inclusive."

President Clinton, in a stunning admission on a Dec. 11 CBS News radio interview, publicly conceded that his "don't ask" policy is "out of whack" and has failed to protect gay and lesbian service people.

But rather than change it, he's still for continuing it.

"I can only hope," Clinton said, "this last brutal beating death of a gay [sic] soldier will give some sobering impetus to a re-examination about how this policy is implemented and whether we can do a better job of fulfilling its original intent."

Presidential politricks

In mid-December, after serving as vice president for eight years in the administration that instituted the rotten policy, Al Gore told media, "In the light of the Winchell case and other evidence, I believe the 'don't ask, don't tell' policy should be eliminated."

On Jan. 5, during a New Hampshire debate between Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, Gore said he would require any appointee to the Joint Chiefs of Staff to agree in advance to allow openly gay and lesbian GIs to serve. "I would insist, before appointing anybody to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that any individual support my policy. And yes, I would make that a requirement," he stated categorically.

Gore was immediately hit by a volley of opposition from Pentagon officials and politicians--including Democrats in his own campaign, like Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts.

Two days later, Gore backpedaled at a hastily organized news conference. "I did not mean to imply that there should ever be any kind of inquiry into the personal political opinion of the officers in the U.S. military," he told reporters. Gore's press secretary called this a clarification; the New York Times called it a retraction.

Asked by reporters if he would tolerate dissent among officers on this question, Gore replied, "Of course."

The Jan. 8 New York Times noted that Gore's backtracking "put him in line with his opponent for the Democratic nomination for president, former Senator Bill Bradley of New Jersey."

Bradley voted against the Clinton administration's "compromise" proposal in 1993. But he never led a campaign for its overturn in all these years. Only in the heat of the election race has Bradley vowed to overturn the gay ban. And even this campaign "promise" has been wishy-washy.

The Times explained: "Mr. Bradley has also said that the law should be changed to allow gays to serve openly in the military. But when asked in the debate about a litmus test on the issue for his appointment to the Joint Chiefs, he said only that if he were elected he would expect military officers that he appointed to carry out his orders."

So the question still stands. What kind of social effort will it take to overturn the grossly bigoted Pentagon ban on gays in the military? And who will lead this fight?

Lobbying and pinning hopes on candidates from either big-business party has historically proven to be fruitless. Just as it takes a mass movement to stop Pentagon wars, the same is true here.

The massive grassroots mobilizations of the mid-20th century forced two presidents to sign executive orders formally ending Jim Crow segregation in the war industries and the military.

And in doing so, this militant anti-racist movement reaffirmed the succinct truth summed up by the great 19th century Abolitionist Frederick Douglass: Without struggle, there is no progress.

Next:How the victory to desegregate the armed forces was won.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011
Email: ww@workers.org
Subscribe wwnews-subscribe@workersworld.net
Support independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)

HOME :: U.S. NEWS :: WORLD NEWS :: EDITORIALS :: SUBSCRIBE :: DONATE