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IVORY COAST

Coup follows revolt of unpaid soldiers

By Johnnie Stevens

A coup in the Ivory Coast (Cote d' Ivoire) has put a spotlight on the deep class and social tensions in West Africa that can break out even in a country said to be relatively stable and prosperous. The U.S., France and the African bourgeois administration of the Ivory Coast all took blows.

It began on Dec. 24 when soldiers demanded unpaid back wages for their "peacekeeping" mission in the West African nations of Liberia and Sierra Leone. Peacekeeping forces, usually under the command of the United Nations, are a new and subtler form of imperialist intervention by the powers dominating that world body.

The soldiers took to the streets of Abidjan, the capital city of three million, seizing luxury cars and shooting into the air. This toppled the government of President Henri Bedie, who fled to the French garrison and then into exile.

The Ivory Coast is a former French colony with a population of 19 million that won its independence in 1960 but continues to be a source of wealth for French imperialism. It is the world's largest cocoa producer and also exports palm oil. Other resources include coffee, bananas and enough petroleum to satisfy its internal needs. Politically, it is viewed as the cornerstone of France's relations with its former African colonies. Twenty-two thousand French nationals live in Abidjan.

The Ivory Coast has suffered many hardships over the past decade, partly due to the civil wars in neighboring Liberia and Sierra Leone. Thousands of refugees crossed the border fleeing for their lives or looking for work.

In addition, prices for Ivory Coast exports have been falling. The international capitalist market favors the industrialized imperialist countries, in whose currencies trade is conducted. A worker may sweat all day in the hot sun for a dollar or two in a country like the Ivory Coast, where the economy has been controlled for generations by foreign banks and businesses. To add insult to injury, the International Monetary Fund has taken advantage of Ivory Coast's trade crunch by making new demands on the government and the people as a condition for continued loans. The European Union has also suspended aid, charging corruption.

French TV Channel II reported that the soldiers, after taking over the Abidjan TV and radio stations, then called upon Gen. Robert Guei to come out of retirement and be their spokesperson. Gen. Guei said that unpaid salaries were just one of many complaints the soldiers have. After their return home they faced harsh living conditions as well as insufficient jobs, no benefits, lack of housing and subsidies.

Gen. Guei also said that President Henri Bedie had no money to pay the soldiers because the United States hasn't paid its dues to the United Nations.

The UN oversees the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which sponsors the peacekeeping mission. ECOWAS members include Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo, Guinea-Bissau and Nigeria, which leads ECOWAS. They include some of the poorest countries in the world.

For the ECOWAS nations, sending their children and family members to war is a way to get jobs and education. It's not that much different than Fort Stewart, Ga., a U.S. rapid deployment base. Some 100,000 soldiers were sent from Fort Stewart to Somalia and Iraq. These soldiers joined the army in hope of a better life, college loans, housing and health care. But many of them faced unemployment and no benefits after they returned to the U.S.

Former Chief of Staff Guei has now declared himself the new president of the Ivory Coast. Guei said that the troops had called on him after talks with Bedie broke down. The soldiers said that more than 19,000 troops backed their cause.

After announcing the coup d'etat, the soldiers went to the prison and released political prisoners. Seven of those released were officials of the opposition Republican Daily Party, whose leader, Alassanse Quattara, was an IMF official until he resigned last summer to run for president. Guei asked that the international community not cut services and pledged to make debt payments to the IMF and draft a new constitution.

On Dec. 26 France, which has had an aggressively interventionist policy in Africa, said it wanted to send a small number of troops to the country to protect the deposed president and French nationals. Gen. Guei refused entry to the French reinforcements, saying in an interview with the French press agency AFP that the 550 French troops already stationed at Copale airport in Abidjan were sufficient.

The attitude of the U.S., which has been in a now open, now concealed struggle with France for hegemony in Africa, is ambiguous toward the coup. The U.S. Embassy in Abidjan warned Americans to lock themselves in their homes, saying "looters" were going through the wealthy neighborhoods where foreigners live. An embassy official, speaking on condition of anonymity, cautiously praised Gen. Guei for "making the right noises," but said the U.S. would continue to push for "constitutional rule and democracy," which usually means an opening for political forces favorable to Washington and Wall Street.

Abidjan, the capital, looks much like a French city. There are luxury hotels, nightclubs and restaurants. French sun worshippers vacation-hop around via Air France to sites throughout West Africa.

The French nationals occupy the better jobs, have the nicest homes and receive the best health care, which is unavailable to the indigenous African population. A permanent French garrison is a reminder of imperialist arrogance and racism, which former President Houphouet-Boigny tolerated with his policy of "assimilationism."

The start of the insurgency by the soldiers may have been spontaneous, but the underlying social needs of the masses throughout West Africa have been clearly exposed, revealing the class antagonisms among the different forces: the worker-soldiers, the bourgeoisie, the political apparatus and the imperialist powers.

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