WORKERS WORLD PARTY CONFERENCE
'War crimes tribunal: powerful tool for
internationalism'
Excerpts from a talk by Sara Flounders
We are living in the center of the empire. This is a
system that needs war, militarism and racism to survive. It is
a system that enflames national antagonisms to divide and
control.
Today's wars are more frequent and more brutal. The Pentagon
conscious ly spreads terror on the civilian population.
Missiles fired from hundreds of miles offshore destroy all that
has been built up to provide a better life.
I had the unique opportunity to be invited to Berlin last
week for a mass hearing inspired by the International Action
Center's call for an inquiry into U.S.-NATO war crimes against
Yugoslavia. It followed meetings in Oslo, Amsterdam and
Paris.
The Berlin meeting was a tremendous development. It
attracted very determined activists from 10 countries,
including former socialist countries.
In each of these countries socialists are groping with the
mighty problem of how to regroup. It is important to them that
in the center of the U.S. empire there has been a determined
opposition to NATO war and a perspective for continuing the
struggle.
Their interest in participating in an international
indictment of NATO and in connecting to the final War Crimes
Tribunal is more than academic. It is a powerful tool for them
to begin to pick up the threads of internationalism and take a
combative attitude toward the new U.S./NATO bases that control
their countries.
A hearing in Rome followed the Berlin meeting. In Italy it
was a different coalition of left political forces. Speaker
after speaker described how the proposals and analysis from the
IAC gave them a way to pick up the struggle and focus clearly
on NATO.
People ask us how we were able to understand the war before
it happened, how we successfully welded together a
coalition.
Lenin explained that the struggle against imperialist war is
the acid test for any party of the working class. Our ability
to mobilize in a crisis flows from our political line, our
world view.
The working class in the U.S. is one contingent of a global
class that struggles in every corner of the globe with the
capitalist class. This seems basic, ABC, even profoundly
simple
Any thoughtful person, given the developments of this
decade, would have to ask if the basic view that shaped Workers
World as a unique political current--Sam Marcy's 1950 thesis of
the Global Class War--is still valid. So much has changed.
At the time, it explained so well how to understand and
defend both the Russian and Chinese revolutions. It explained
counter-revolutionary developments that arose in the new
socialist countries in Eastern Europe. But it was written
almost 50 years ago.
At that time two imperialist wars had given rise to powerful
revolutions. Almost half the world was in newly emerging
revolutionary societies desperately trying to build
socialism.
They were not fully socialist and faced enormous problems
with backwardness and underdevelopment. But whether their
leaders were revolutionary and intransigent, or tried to reach
an accommodation, imperialism never gave any of them a moment's
peace.
Always it appeared to be a struggle between nations. The
45-year Cold War against the Soviet Union, the Korean War, the
Vietnam War, the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.
But in essence this was a struggle between classes.
The Pentagon has bombed 22 countries in the past 50 years.
Washington always demonized whoever was the target of the
moment. Imperialists don't fight wars for human rights or to
defend small nations. They are not liberators, whether it's of
the Soviet Union or China, Vietnam or Korea, Panama, Congo,
Libya, Nicaragua, Sudan. They always attack countries trying to
pull free of total imperialist domination.
While there was a socialist bloc, many were able to get some
breathing space, some protection.
With the collapse of Soviet Union after 70 years of
unrelenting attack, the imperialists immediately targeted
Yugoslavia. Why? Because Yugoslavia attempted some form of
resistance.
Yugoslavia was a country built on the common struggle of
many oppressed nations. It was shaped by a revolutionary
struggle against fascism and Nazi occupation. Regardless of any
temporary accommodation it was able to make with imperialism,
Yugoslavia survived because of the existence of a socialist
bloc.
Regardless of past regression or compromise, imperialism was
hostile to Yugoslavia's very existence.
As soon as propaganda against Yugo slavia began, we could
see what was at stake. We put the U.S.-led war against
Yugoslavia in a whole social and historical context.
This is why Workers World Party was able to give leadership
in a crisis. Long before the war began, we had a clear program.
There were no agonizing debates in our Party as there were in
so many organizations influenced by propaganda hostile to
Yugoslavia.
Over the years we developed a working relation with everyone
willing to oppose the designs of U.S. imperialism to dismember
Yugoslavia. We have had material, books and articles for a
decade explaining Washington's goals.
Many of our publications have been translated into the
languages of almost every NATO country.
When the crisis came we became the leaders of the opposition
in the U.S. and played a significant role in the international
opposition.
The thesis of the Global Class War is even more valid today
than when it was written in 1950. It is a source of optimism
and perspective. Class struggle inevitably breaks out again and
again. In these struggles we are able to give revolutionary
leadership to our class.
This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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