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NEW YORK TRANSIT

Will 33,000 workers be forced to strike?

By Milt Neidenberg

New York

The contract between the Metropolitan Transportation Authority and the 33,000 members of Transit Workers Union Local 100 expires on Dec. 15.

Local 100's fight for a decent contract is heating up. Will the workers be forced to strike? The MTA is taking this question seriously.

The transit workers' mood could be seen on Nov. 17 when they and their allies took to the streets in a militant rush-hour demonstration at MTA offices. Thousands clogged mid-Manhattan streets as workers were on their way home and holiday shoppers crowded into department stores nearby.

The union action sent a strong message to Wall Street and the MTA that represents finance capital's interests. "We are prepared to strike if we don't get a catch-up contract; a contract not to be funded by give-backs," said one transit conductor.

The MTA has accumulated huge surpluses over the last three years, resulting from give-backs in previous contracts as well as the horrific increase in productivity that threatens the safety of workers and the lives of the over 6.5 million riders they move every day.

On Oct. 7, the TWU put a package of 130 demands on the table. These included a substantial wage increase, removal of workfare from the contract, improvements in health benefits and sweeping changes in disciplinary procedures. The package also calls for changes in contract language--this includes protection from discriminatory practices and health-and-safety violations arbitrarily imposed by management.

Nearly a month later, MTA bosses responded with a set of five counter-demands that they knew would be unacceptable to the union. These included the right to assign workers to any job for which they felt they were "appropriately trained."

This proposal would threaten job descriptions and security, gut employees' rights spelled out in the Civil Service laws, and downsize any worker to cut costs and increase productivity.

It was a declaration of war against the union.

Anti-union law props up
MTA bosses

What makes the MTA so arrogant and contemptuous of the union that its executives feel they can whip the 33,000 rank-and-file bus and subway workers into line?

It is the fact that they have an anti-union, anti-worker law on the state books that makes it illegal for public-sector workers to strike.

And Wall Street, the financial center of the world, wants to be sure transit workers and other unions won't shut city transportation down.

In a strike, many millions of dollars--perhaps a trillion, depending on the length of a strike--would go down the drain for their transnational banks, global corporations, and many other big business financial operations that need labor power to make their profit system run.

This is exactly what happened on New Year's Day, 1966. Thirty-five thousand members of the TWU, along with the Amalgamated Transit Union, shut down 135 miles of subways and 2,200 hundred buses.

The strike's impact was felt around the world. Business losses were enormous.

A settlement was reached on Jan. 13, after almost two full weeks of the strike. TWU President Mike Quill and other union officials who had been jailed were released as part of the final agreement. Quill died a few days later.

The sympathy and solidarity for the transit strike was so strong that union workers at a Catholic cemetery who had been waging a militant strike against the powerful Cardinal Spellman and his diocese opened their picket lines to allow the hearse carrying Quill to enter the cemetery.

Before the Taylor Law, the law denying public-sector workers the right to strike was called the Condon-Wadlin Act. The language contained in this act was even harsher and more repressive.

But it failed to intimidate the militant 1966 strike. And it was replaced nearly two years later on Sept. 1, 1967. The New York state legislature passed the "Public Employees Fair Employment Act." The legislators claimed it was less vindictive and threatening to the public-sector labor unions. They said binding-arbitration procedures would replace the need to strike.

It was a lie.

The legislation included, among other penalties, a two-day loss of pay for each day on strike. This law is commonly known as the "Taylor Law."

It still didn't stop the TWU from striking. On April 1, 1980, transit workers rallied at the Brooklyn Bridge and shut down city transportation for 11 days. It cost the union $1.5 million in fines.

Bosses and state close ranks

There is much to be learned from these two strikes. There must be careful and organized preparation to shut down New York, the financial center of the world.

There must be a unity of purpose, discipline, stamina--and much sacrifice, if the TWU is to win the economic and social justice that has been denied the transit workers.

Other municipal unions--including State, County and Municipal Employees District Council 37 that represents over 100,000 members, and the United Federation of Teachers--are in negotiations with the city. A crisis could be in the making for the racist, anti-union, anti-poor Mayor Rudolph Giuliani.

It is time to for all these unions to unite in order to fight together to overturn the infamous Taylor Law. This victory can only be won through struggle in the streets of New York.

Fearing a walkout, Mayor Giuliani has assembled a task force that includes elaborate contingency plans to intimidate strikers. He has appointed Jerome Hauer, who heads the Mayor's Emergency Management Office, to lead the task force.

Hauer said his office "was working closely with the Police Department, Fire Department, Department of Transportation, Taxi and Limousine Commission, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and surrounding counties."

Dec. 15 is the day the transit contract expires. Will the public-sector unions unite to shut down the city? Will the unions work closely with the oppressed communities that are fighting the same oppressors as their multinational sisters and brothers in the labor unions? Is a strike in the making?

The next two weeks will tell the story.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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