NEW YORK
Public employee struggle -- just the beginning
By Mary
Owen
New York
The general consensus among labor activists here is that New
York's 33,000 transport workers, from many different
nationalities, waged an inspiring and courageous contract
struggle against tremendous odds.
The members of Transport Workers Local 100 turned out in the
thousands for rallies and mass union meetings. And in the days
before a tentative agreement was reached Dec. 15, they showed
their iron determination--slowing New York's massive subway and
bus system by sticking to the Metropolitan Transportation
Authority's rulebook.
The transit workers are now voting on the tentative
contract. But one of their main achievements is already clear:
They set the stage for the coming year of public-employee
contract struggles in New York.
A Dec. 16 Christian Science Monitor article headlined
"Subway standoff shows workers' rising fortunes" called the
tentative transit pact "a testament to a somewhat renewed vigor
in the labor movement."
And that renewed vigor will make itself shown as the public
employees who keep New York running--including many women,
workers of color, immigrants and lesbian/gay/bi/trans
workers--head into their Contract 2000 struggles.
The transport workers' struggle was the first of what will
be a series of public-employee struggles here over the next
year. It was the groundbreaker.
Next come the Teamsters, representing workers in New York's
sprawling Housing Authority projects.
In March, the city's contract with 125,000 workers in
District Council 37 of the American Federation of State, County
and Municipal employees expires.
The city's contract with 80,000 United Federation of
Teachers members expires in November.
Along the way, city pacts with other workers--doctors,
interns and residents, administrative workers and others--will
end.
Mobilizing the rank and file
On May 12, 1999, a demonstration of 60,000 workers from many
different unions filled Broadway near City Hall at a protest
called by the AFSCME D.C. 37 and other city-employee unions.
This was an opening shot in building solidarity among New York
workers.
With that protest the workers let the government and Wall
Street know it's payback time for two years with no raises. It
was the biggest labor protest in over a decade. The protest
also drew many private-sector workers along with public
employees.
Several months later came the transit workers' struggle.
In both cases, rank-and-file workers came forward and got
involved. There will surely be more of this rank-and-file
involvement as public-employee contract struggles unfold.
D.C. 37's Contract 2000 Campaign is a case in point. Since
May, there have been two huge shop-steward meetings that drew
over 1,000 rank-and-file leaders. Shop ste wards were asked to
sign cards pledging to mobilize members and participate in
work-place activities around Contract 2000.
In addition, a bargaining survey went out to D.C. 37's
125,000 members in the union's newspaper. Thousands of returns
came in. There was such a demand for the questionnaire that the
union ran out of papers and had to reprint the forms.
D.C. 37 has also added a 300-person Bargaining Caucus to
advise the Bargaining Committee. Similar activities are
undoubtedly going on in the other city unions.
Public employees will be up against the same line up of
class forces as the transit workers were. Only this time Mayor
Rudolph Giuliani will represent the ruling class directly at
the bargaining table. And he's getting ready.
Right after his heavy-handed, police-state repression
against transit workers, Giuliani told city unions to forget
about a double-digit raise. He said the MTA contract was "too
rich" for the city, would cause "significant deficits," and so
on.
Never mind the $2 billion-plus city surplus generated by the
workers, and by the super-exploitation of workfare workers.
Never mind the big boom on Wall Street.
But municipal unions weren't buying it.
"Every settlement has an impact," said Federation of
Teachers President Randi Weingarten. She also chairs the
Municipal Labor Committee, a coalition of 75 public employee
unions representing 325,000 workers.
"None of us is operating in a vacuum. It's going to have
some kind of impact," said D.C. 37 Administrator Lee Saunders
of the transit pact.
City unions would be further ahead if they had gotten behind
TWU sooner and more solidly. A united showing of labor would
have been harder for Giuliani--acting on behalf of Wall
Street--to repress.
This kind of unity and determination will have to develop as
this year of contract struggles unfolds.
A valiant example
Nevertheless, transit workers set a val iant example. And
the coming city workers' struggles take place at a time of
increased labor activity generally. The Taxi Drivers' Alliance
refused to scab on a transit workers' strike. And there could
be more struggles ahead for these oppressed workers.
Immigrant and anti-sweatshop organizing is continuing.
Mexican workers, UNITE and the Hotel and Restaurant Employees
union are battlefronts in these struggles.
Workfairness, an organization of workfare workers and
supporters, recently held a lively membership meeting to
prepare for activities for the spring. The workfare issue was
unresolved in the transit talks; it could be an issue in city
contract struggles, too.
In addition to all this, labor and other activists continue
to digest the lessons of the anti-WTO battle in Seattle.
The media revealed--to their amazement--that there was a lot
of public support for the transit workers. Such support will
have to be organized for the coming labor battles.
Strikes and struggles open the workers' eyes. They reveal
the class forces, expose the role of the police and the courts
as repressive defenders of capitalism, and show the bankruptcy
of the capitalist media.
And, with slowdowns and job actions like those carried out
by the transport workers, they also reveal the potential power
of the workers when they decide to move. The transport workers'
struggle was just a taste of things to come, and a clarion call
for revolutionaries to be ready.
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