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WORKERS WORLD PARTY CONFERENCE

'Communists stand up against their own rulers' wars'

Excerpts from a talk by John Catalinotto

Did it make you angry when you heard that at the Socialist Scholars Conference--organized by the Democratic Socialists of America--the DSA leader was arguing that NATO should send ground troops into Yugoslavia?

Were you furious when you heard that The Nation magazine, instead of opposing the U.S.-NATO war, ran a debate arguing the pros and cons of bombing, ground troops and sanctions?

The political tendency taking these positions is known as social democracy. In the United States they may be infuriating to real anti-imperialists. They may sow confusion in the movement.

But in Europe, it is much worse. This same tendency is in office.

In most of the European NATO countries social-democratic parties or coalitions make up the government. That means they were carrying out a vicious imperialist war. And they were just as vicious and brutal as any conservative or right-wing party in pursuing that war.

But they had more credibility with the working class and with progressives in their attempt to justify the war as "humanitarian."

In Germany, for example, not only is there a Social Democratic chancellor, but the foreign minister is a member of the Green Party. This guy was an anti-war activist in the 1960s and an anti-nuke leader in the 1970s. And he was the strongest defender of NATO's war. It's as if Tom Hayden were Secretary of State instead of Madeleine Albright.

In France, where millions of workers vote Communist, the French Communist Party was part of the government that ordered bombing strikes on Yugoslavia. The French CP criticized Milosevic more than it did NATO.

In Italy, where other millions of workers consider themselves communists, one of the successor parties to the old Italian Communist Party was the biggest party in the government. Even the mass anti-war demonstrations did not clearly act to bring down this government.

The result of all this is that these social democrats spread great confusion in the anti-war and progressive forces in Europe. It was extremely difficult for the real anti-imperialist forces to give leadership to the mass movement and to clearly target the U.S., NATO and their own imperialist government as the enemy.

It was all the more significant that our party, working within the anti-war movement in the United States, was able to keep that movement anti-U.S. imperialism and anti-NATO. And we kept a unified movement.

We were able to build a principled coalition with immigrants from Yugoslavia and Greece.

In addition, the courageous position Mumia Abu-Jamal took against the war helped win forces from the Mumia movement to also fight against the U.S.-NATO war.

This put the U.S. movement in the position that it can now assist anti-imperialists in Europe to take the initiative in continuing the struggle against NATO, U.S. imperialism and the ruling class of each of the European imperialist countries. It does this by helping spread the movement to indict U.S.-NATO leaders for war crimes against the people of Yugoslavia.

Imperialist war is horrible for the people under attack. But we communists can't afford to simply shrink from its horrors. Every imperialist war also raises the possibility of revolution.

And such a conflict calls into question the armies--the capitalist state itself. We found out during the Vietnam War that the soldiers can turn against their chain of command. And we helped form the American Servicemen's Union to fight against the war.

This recent war raised the possibility of conflicts within NATO. Most of the NATO leaders, including Clinton, were fearful of launching a ground war and taking casualties. They feared this would arouse massive protest at home. They feared bringing down the governments in Italy and Germany.

The continuing anti-war work is creating a network of anti-imperialist activists and parties, at least within the NATO countries. They must stay active now and be ready to move into high gear with the next war crisis, whether it be intervention in Colombia, Iraq, again in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia.

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