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On the anniversary of Seneca Falls

Women's rights and the struggle against racism

As women prepare to meet in Seneca Falls, N.Y., to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of the women's rights movement, we print below an adaptation from an article in the Sept. 7, 1995, Workers World by Monica Moorehead. It deals with the inseparable relation between the struggles for women's rights and against racism.

The U.S. women's movement was born in 1848 at the historic Seneca Falls convention in upstate New York. Its goal was to organize women and their male supporters in the fight for women's equality, especially the right to vote.

That same year in Europe, as bourgeois revolutions shook feudal rule, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels inspired those fighting for social change with their "Communist Manifesto." It called for the emancipation of women as an indispensable part of the struggle to overthrow capitalism.

The suffragist movement received an addi tional impetus from the already estab lished abolitionist campaign fighting the enslavement of African peo ple in the South. Many leaders of the suffragist movement or their relatives were abolitionists.

While women of all class back grounds were eager to join the suffrag ist movement, the leadership was mainly petty bourgeois and over whelmingly white. The best-known included Lu cretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.

Frederick Douglass, an ex-slave, an abolitionist and a friend of the women's movement, was the only man allowed to make a formal presentation at the Seneca Falls conference.

Besides voting rights, the Seneca Falls conference took up women's need for more educational opportunities, the right to own property without their husband's consent, the right to divorce, and the right to civil and re ligious freedoms.

While a number of women suffragists-Lucy Stone, for example-took an individual stand against slavery, they were unequipped to strug gle within the suffragist movement to elevate the anti-slavery fight. Many Black women suffragists felt betrayed by the mainstream suffragist movement-and justifiably so. This manifested itself after the Civil War in the struggle over the 14th and 15th amendments, which focus on political equality between white and Black men.

Black women suffragists felt the pas sage of these amendments would help put Black women on a more equal political footing with their white coun terparts.

Black women suf fragists such as Sojourner Truth and Mary Church Terrell tried to convince the white suffragist leaders to organize solidarity with the struggle against racism, especially in the South. This, they said, would build and strengthen alliances with Black people in the North and South.

They felt white suf fragists were insensitive to their special needs and oppressions. At a women's convention in 1851, Sojourner Truth had to fight her way to the podium. There she made her famous "Ain't I a Woman" speech.

But many Northern white suffragists wanted to avoid alienating the white racist Southern suffragists. Black suffragist leader Ida Wells-Barnett was even asked not to join a Chicago march because its organizers were afraid of antagonizing an all-white Southern contingent.

The suffragist movement also asked that only "educated" women get the right to vote.

This set the struggle for women's rights back a half century and strengthened the polit ical and economic rule of the capitalist class.

Expanding capitalist development in the U.S. from 1900 to the beginning of World War I brought a growing working class inside the U.S., including more and more women workers eager to join organized labor.

As they organized for better wages and tolerable working conditions, they also became more con scious of their lack of political rights. The impact of women workers gave the once-fragmented suffragist move ment-at a low ebb at the end of the 19th century-an infusion of new vi tality that lasted until the passage of the 19th Amendment.

This article is copyright under a Creative Commons License.
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