Unity can strengthen the working class
Published Nov 30, 2007 8:48 PM
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John Parker
WW photo: John Catalinotto
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A speech by Workers World Party National Committee member John Parker
to the WWP National Conference on Nov. 17-18, 2007.
To help strengthen the working class towards the goal of making
revolution, we have to be concerned with building class-consciousness. Who are
you? You are a worker! We must also increase the amount of workers who are
organized into unions, community organizations, anti-war and social justice
organizations, etc.
But, most importantly, we must consider unity. We must unify our class,
especially with those sectors within our class who face increased oppression
from the ruling class, like women, Black, Brown, Asian, Native, immigrant, Arab
and Muslim, and lesbian, gay, bi and trans (LGBT) workers.
We can have great working-class organizations and a high level of
class-consciousness, but without unity it means nothing, like a brain
disconnected from the spine.
How do we build class-consciousness and organization among our class? Some
may think that all we have to do is convince workers that they are members of
the working class and all of their issues should be framed narrowly within that
definition, so that Black, Latin@ or Asian workers and their experiences here
in the U.S. are not tied to the history of the nations of Africa, Latin
America, South and East Asia. They are simply workers and we need not concern
ourselves with those other national oppression issues that they as a people are
always protesting about.
In terms of strengthening organizations, some may think that here in the
U.S. all we have to do is make our unions more capable of winning better wages
from an employer, even at the expense of international solidarity.
If both of these examples of building class-consciousness and
super-efficient organizations are carried out, would that build unity within
our class? Would it build unity even just here in the U.S.? I know from
experience that Black workers in general will not unite with anyone who ignores
or refuses to accept our leadership regarding our own struggles for national
liberation and against racism.
Regarding the union example, what if--as a hypothetical case--by agreeing
to ignore the demands of, say, Coca-Cola workers in Colombia, the Teamsters who
transport killer Coca-Cola here gain great benefits and wages for their
members. Has that weakened or strengthened solidarity? This solidarity will be
necessary when that company decides a year later to put the squeeze on the
union members' health care benefits that far outweighs any gains made the
previous year.
As Fred Goldstein's document points out, because of new technological
changes affecting production and the placement of billions of new workers at
the disposal of imperialist monopoly corporations, competition within the
international working class will intensify and so will the need for
solidarity.
One important thing to remember about unity is that you can’t come
together by dividing. That seems like it shouldn’t have to be said, but
there are those who think they are building working class unity by excluding
certain sectors of the working class.
After 9/11, fighting for Palestinian rights or the rights of Muslim people
became much more difficult and you could probably, at that time, build a bigger
anti-war rally with moderate and Democratic Party folks if you kept those
issues off the table. Those sections of the anti-war movement that were very
focused on bringing in more so-called middle-class moderates and getting
Democratic Party approval and much less concerned about appealing to the
working class pursued that tactic. However, this makes the ruling class feel
more empowered since they now know how to make the movement more defensive and
meek. They will keep playing the same tune that encourages the movement to pick
off and cast out pieces of itself, since every time it does so, the movement
gets weaker.
Why does it get weaker? Well, in the case of sacrificing the issues of
solidarity with Palestinian and Muslim people at a demonstration, the anti-war
movement would lose a very important, leading sector of the international class
struggle against imperialism, along with their allies.
Fortunately, sections of the anti-war movement, like the Troops Out Now
Coalition, in which Workers World Party members are very proud to be involved,
will not sacrifice the issue of Palestine or the Jena 6 or Katrina for the sake
of building a so-called broader and bigger demonstration, even if it means one
or more key moderate groups, that could help build a bigger demonstration,
refuse to participate under those principled conditions.
During the September demonstrations everything the Troops Out Now
Coalition presented, from literature to placards to banners to the backdrop on
stage, from Washington to Los Angeles, had a clear message of solidarity
reaching out to all of the most targeted sections of our working class. We
should remember that numbers at a demonstration don’t necessarily
correlate to the amount of unity that demonstration builds.
In 1980 there was a demonstration of 1 million people in Central Park to
stop the production of nuclear weapons. Palestine was not allowed to be brought
up. And, given all the cutbacks at that time and their disproportionate effect
on Black people in this country, it would have been easy to reach out to the
Black communities by addressing those issues that would build solidarity and
build their participation.
However, that opportunity was also lost. I was there and, correct me if
I’m wrong, but I don’t remember much representation of the Black
community there.
Perhaps if that anti-nuke movement built that demonstration by tying the
money spent on nukes and the military to the severe cutbacks in especially
oppressed communities, then maybe the makeup of the demonstration would have
been different and perhaps mean more than just one huge demonstration in
Central Park. Perhaps this could have contributed to the building of a real
working-class movement that could actually influence U.S. nuclear policy.
Evidence of what a more working-class movement can do can be found by
looking at the demonstrations starting on March 25, 2006, in Los Angeles that
sparked the May Day rallies for immigrant rights.
Responding to a severely repressive anti-immigrant bill, HR4437, that
passed easily through the Democratic House and was due to hit the Senate floor,
a demonstration and one-day work boycott of over a million people occurred in
Los Angeles--and that was basically the last you heard of that bill going to
the Senate.
Why was the bill basically dropped? How could one demo have such an effect
on the legislature, without lobbying? The numbers were basically the same as
the Central Park demo.
Well, when those immigrant workers boycotted, billions were lost in
profits. Why? Because the work they provided was indispensable in terms of
making profit.
If managers or supervisors or accountants refuse to go to work for a day,
it will undoubtedly affect profits and slow down production. But when those
workers who bag and check out the groceries or cut the meat or change the bed
pans or wash the dishes or load the trucks go out for a day, then profits come
to a screeching halt.
So, in order to strengthen our class we must build class-consciousness and
organization in a way that also builds unity. And today's realities of the
class struggle make that even more essential.
Otherwise scapegoating, racism and opportunism will lead to severe
divisions within our class that will weaken us and force the labor movement
back decades.
Danger of division between workers is especially clear in regard to
immigrant workers being scapegoated now. These workers were forced into this
country to look for the livelihood that was stolen from them due to U.S.
economic policies like NAFTA.
Immigrant workers also face the same "invisibility" that Ralph
Ellison wrote about in his book, "The Invisible Man," referring to
how Black people and their lives and struggle are dismissed by many white
progressives as unimportant.
This is why many in the anti-war movement ignored the issue of that
repressive bill HR4437, despite the protests and anger of immigrants,
documented and undocumented alike.
When a section of your class is being threatened like this, however, as a
working-class organization you must respond.
Our Party takes this struggle very seriously and that is why the coalition
that initiated the March 25th demonstration in Los Angeles and the May 1st
demonstrations for immigrant rights that followed every year has in its
steering committee members of our Party. We are and will continue to be at the
ready when attacks against our class occur. We will try to build solidarity and
organizational support or whatever we can do to strengthen the working class as
a whole.
The immigrant rights struggle and Black struggle for liberation and basic
democratic rights in this country have many similarities. Unity among Black and
Brown workers is a natural thing. This is why the ruling class tries so hard to
keep us divided. And this is why we must constantly try to bring these
struggles together.
During the Jena 6 rally on September 20 there were national demonstrations
and in Los Angeles we made sure to facilitate getting Latin@ M25 coalition
representatives on the stage to speak to the 99-percent Black crowd in the
heart of the Black community in South Central to express solidarity.
Building working-class unity is important.
This is why we jumped into the UFCW grocery workers' strike four years
ago in Los Angeles to build community support and solidarity. For our efforts
our members received a plaque from the union and, like the major forces in the
immigrant movement, we are seen as a trusted ally committed to our class.
A revolutionary party is useless if it can't be seen as a trusted ally
in the eyes of especially the most oppressed workers. How do you build that
trust? By showing that you put the needs of the movement over everything else,
including the needs of your own organization if necessary.
If what I'm saying resonates with your mind and your heart, let me
tell you that everything you've heard from all of the comrades is meant
sincerely. So if this sounds right to you and you want to join a revolutionary
party that is beholden to our working class, is responsible to our working
class and is determined to strengthen the working class for the purpose of
creating a revolution in this country, then this is the place for you.
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